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B   M   7SS   S7S 


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IFORNIA 
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254- 

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The  Conquest 
of  The  Illinois 


JLafeesi&e  Classics 


The  Conquest 
of  The  Illinois 

BY  GEORGE  ROGERS  CLARK 

EDITED  BY 
MILO  MILTON  QUAIFE 

Editor  of 
The  State  Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin 


With  tivo  Illustrationt 


The  Lakeside 
Press  Chicago 


R  R-DONNELLEY 


(&be  "Eahesibe  press, 
R.  R.  DONNELLEY  &  SONS  COMPANY 
CHRISTMAS,  MCMXX 


'  preface 


THE  publishers  of  The  Lakeside  Classics 
have  held  themselves  free  to  take  any 
material  that  comes  to  hand,  which 
promises  to  be  interesting  and  worth  while, 
regardless  of  its  chronological  relation  to  pre- 
vious volumes,  and  this  year  they  turn  back 
from  the  early  years  of  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury to  the  stirring  period  of  the  Revolution. 
Most  of  us  think  of  the  Revolution  as  being 
fought  only  in  the  Colonies  stretched  along  the 
Atlantic  Seaboard.  Yet  out  in  what  is  now 
Illinois  and  Indiana,  a  frontiersman  by  the  name 
of  George  Rogers  Clark  carried  on  a  campaign 
for  American  supremacy  that  for  enterprise, 
daring  and  determination,  is  equal  to  any  in  our 
history.  To  his  foresight  and  success  is  due 
the  fact  that  the  great  country  lying  west  of 
Pittsburgh,  north  of  the  Ohio  and  stretching  to 
the  Mississippi,  was  saved  for  the  Colonies,  and 
did  not  fall  to  the  lot  of  Canada  under  the 
Treaty  of  Paris. 

Clark's  Memoir  was  written  in  illiterate  style 
and  with  the  spelling  and  punctuation  of  the 
froniiersman,  and,  in  its  original  form,  makes 
difficult  reading  for  any  but  the  historical 
scholar.  We  are,  therefore,  indebted  to  Mr. 


>  preface 


Milo  M.  Quaife  not  only  for  his  continuing  to 
act  as  editor,  but  also  for  his  appreciation  of 
the  necessity  of  transcribing  the  Memoir  and 
for  accomplishing  it  so  successfully. 

The  publishers  feel  that  they  are  especially 
fortunate  in  being  able  to  put  this  heroic,  in 
readable  form,  into  the  hands  of  their  friends 
and  patrons,  and  do  so  with  their  annual  mes- 
sage of  Christmas  Good- Will. 

THE  PUBLISHERS. 
CHRISTMAS  IQ2O. 


Historical  Introduction 


3lttttonuctton 


By  far  the  most  brilliant  figure  in  the  Rev- 
olution in  the  West  was  George  Rogers  Clark, 
whose  conquest  of  the  Illinois  country  was  the 
factor  chiefly  responsible  for  giving  the  Old 
Northwest  to  the  new-born  American  nation 
in  the  treaty  of  1783.  To  orient  Clark's  con- 
quest in  its  historical  setting,  and  to  give  some 
account  of  his  narrative  of  it,  which  forms  the 
subject-matter  of  the  present  volume,  is  the 
purpose  of  this  introduction. 

The  region  between  the  Ohio  River  and  the 
Great  Lakes,  the  Alleghenies  and  the  Missis- 
sippi, which  later  became  known  as  the  Old 
Northwest,  is  the  territory  involved  in  our 
story.  The  beginning  of  the  Revolution  found 
the  British,  of  course,  in  possession  of  all  of  it. 
The  vantage  points  from  which  they  directed 
its  affairs  were,  in  general,  the  old  French 
posts,  now  occupied  for  the  most  part  by  Brit- 
ish garrisons.  Among  these  may  be  named 
Detroit,  Mackinac,  Vincennes,  Kaskaskia,  and 
Cahokia.  By  far  the  most  important  center 
of  British  influence  in  the  Northwest  was  De- 
troit, the  headquarters  of  the  posts  and  the 
key  to  the  control  of  the  fur  trade  and  the  In- 
dian tribes  of  this  region.  Here  was  a  French 
and  mixed-blood  settlement  numbering  up  wards 
of  2000  souls  and  mustering  over  300  men 


l^i^torical  3fntrotmction 

capable  of  bearing  arms.  The  fort  was  de- 
fended by  a  palisade  of  pickets  and  contained 
at  the  beginning  of  17/6  a  garrison  of  I2O 
men.  To  complete  the  tale  of  Detroit's  mili- 
tary resources,  there  floated  in  the  river  oppo- 
site the  fort  a  tiny  navy  manned  by  some  thirty 
"seamen  and  servants." 

Detroit  aside,  the  only  other  considerable 
centers  of  white  population  in  the  Northwest 
were  Ouiatanon  and  Vincennes  on  the  Wabash 
and  the  strip  of  settlements  stretched  along 
the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Missouri  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  on 
what  later  came  to  be  known  as  the  "American 
Bottom."  Ouiatanon  had,  at  the  outbreak  of 
the  Revolution,  about  a  dozen  French  families. 
Vincennes  had  a  population  of  perhaps  500 
souls.  The  Illinois  settlements  of  the  American 
Bottom  in  1778  contained  about  IOOO  whites 
and  as  many  negroes  and  Indians.  The  chief 
town  was  Kaskaskia  with  500  white  inhabitants 
and  about  the  same  number  of  negroes.  Next 
in  importance  was  Cahokia  with  a  white  popu- 
lation of  about  three  hundred.  At  Mackinac 
and  Green  Bay,  possibly  also  at  St.  Joseph, 
Peoria,  and  Prairie  du  Chien,  were  settled  a 
few  French  families.  For  the  rest,  the  country 
which  now  teems  with  a  population  as  enlight- 
ened and  prosperous  as  any  on  the  face  of  the 
earth  was  but  a  splendid  wilderness. 

Scarcely  second  to  the  whites  in  importance, 
at  least  from  the  military  point  of  view,  was 


i^igtorical  ^ntrotmctiem 

the  Indian  population  of  this  region.  The  sev- 
eral tribes  could  muster,  according  to  the  usual 
estimates,  about  8000  warriors.  These  were 
the  jury,  so  to  speak,  to  which  the  contending 
white  leaders  made  their  appeals,  and  on  whose 
active  aid  or  passive  sympathy  they  relied  as 
the  makeweight  to  turn  the  scale  in  their  favor. 
Most  numerous  of  the  tribes  was  the  Chippewa; 
but  our  present  concern  lies  rather  with  cer- 
tain of  the  smaller  tribes.  Around  the  south 
end  of  Lake  Michigan,  with  their  principal 
seat  on  the  St.  Joseph  River,  were  the  Pota- 
watomi,  numbering  some  400  warriors.  To  the 
south  and  southeastward  of  this  tribe,  in  mod- 
ern Indiana  and  Ohio,  were  the  Miami,  Shaw- 
nee,  and  others,  who  were  to  continue  the  war 
in  the  West  during  long  and  bloody  years  after 
the  withdrawal  of  Great  Britain  from  the  con- 
test. At  Milwaukee  had  congregated  a  non- 
descript band  composed  of  the  off-scourings  of 
several  tribes,  who,  to  the  scandal  of  the  British 
officers,  usually  maintained  friendly  relations 
with  the  Americans.  In  Illinois  and  Wiscon- 
sin were  the  Sauk  and  Foxes,  the  Winnebago, 
and  other  tribes. 

The  advancing  wave  of  English  settlement 
pouring  into  the  upper  Ohio  Valley  had  pre- 
cipitated, two  decades  earlier,  the  French  and 
Indian  War.  As  yet  this  tidal  wave  of  civi- 
lization had  not  crossed  the  Ohio,  although  it 
had  spread  out  along  its  eastern  valley  as  far 
south  as  Tennessee.  The  most  important  post 


introduction 


along  this  extensive  frontier  was  Fort  Pitt  at 
the  forks  of  the  Ohio.  It  was  the  center, 
therefore,  from  which  radiated  the  American 
efforts  to  control  the  Northwestern  tribes,  just 
as  at  a  later  date,  it  afforded  the  principal 
gateway  through  which  the  tide  of  settlement 
poured  into  this  region. 

The  Americans  at  first  strove  to  secure  the 
neutrality  of  the  Indians  in  the  impending  con- 
flict. But  the  red  man  could  not  stand  idly  by 
while  a  war  was  waging  for  the  possession  of 
his  country,  and  the  British  more  wisely  di- 
rected their  efforts  to  securing  his  active  sup- 
port. This  policy  was  shortly  copied  by  the 
Americans,  and  soon  the  perplexed  natives 
were  being  plied  with  rival  solicitations  for 
alliance.  The  British  urged  them  to  assail  the 
outlying  settlements  of  the  American  frontier, 
counselling  humanity  to  the  vanquished  but 
largely  nullifying  this  counsel  by  offering  re- 
wards for  all  scalps  brought  in.  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Hamilton  at  Detroit  was  especially 
zealous  in  urging  the  Indians  on  to  this  work 
of  devastation.  The  Americans  offered  re- 
wards for  prisoners,  but  none  for  scalps. 

Two  courses  of  action  were  open  to  the  Amer- 
icans in  view  of  this  situation.  They  might 
endeavor  to  punish  the  hostile  Indians  by 
launching  retaliatory  measures  against  them; 
or  they  might  by  capturing  Detroit,  from 
whence  issued  alike  the  supplies  for  the  ma- 
rauders and  the  zeal  which  instigated  them  to 


^igtorical  introduction 

their  bloody  task,  destroy  the  opposition  at  its 
fountain-head.  The  latter  course  was  urged 
by  Colonel  Morgan,  the  Indian  agent  for  the 
Middle  Department  and  a  man  of  much  ex- 
perience among  the  Indians  of  the  Northwest. 
The  reasons  advanced  by  him  in  support  of  the 
policy  he  advocated  were  unheeded.  Seeing 
this,  and  believing  a  general  Indian  war  was 
about  to  be  precipitated,  he  resigned  his  office. 
The  control  of  the  Western  Department  passed 
into  less  competent  hands  and  the  western 
frontier  seemed  about  to  be  overrun  by  the 
British  and  Indians  when  a  diversion  of  much 
importance  occurred.  The  advent  of  George 
Rogers  Clark  in  the  Illinois  country  compelled 
the  British  at  Detroit  to  turn  their  attention  to 
the  defense  of  the  Northwest,  and  shortly  of 
Detroit  itself,  against  the  bold  invader. 

Clark  was  a  native  of  Virginia  who,  like 
Washington,  fitted  himself  for  a  surveyor  and 
began  his  active  career  in  the  upper  Ohio 
country.  In  1776  he  had  cast  in  his  lot  with 
the  young  settlements  of  Kentucky,  and  al- 
though not  yet  twenty-five  years  of  age,  in  the 
crisis  of  their  fortune  he  put  himself  forward 
as  their  leader.  The  Kentucky  settlements 
were  nominally  a  part  of  Virginia  but  in  fact 
they  were  too  remote  from  the  mother  country 
to  receive  much  protection  from  that  source. 
It  was  congenial,  too,  to  the  spirit  of  the  fron- 
tiersman to  depend  upon  himself,  and  Clark, 
who  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  only 


Stootmctton 


means  of  obtaining  safety  for  Kentucky  was 
to  carry  the  war  into  the  enemy's  country,  was 
one  of  those  who  favored  action  independently 
of  authorization  from  Virginia. 

Other  counsels  prevailed,  however.  The 
protection  of  the  parent  colony  was  sought  and 
as  a  result  the  Virginia  Assembly  declared  the 
extension  of  its  authority  over  the  region  and 
in  December,  1776,  created  the  county  of  Ken- 
tucky. The  next  summer  Clark  learned  from 
spies  whom  he  had  sent  into  the  Illinois  coun- 
try that  the  French  settlers  were  lukewarm  in 
their  allegiance  to  Great  Britain  and  that  only 
a  few  of  them  were  participating  in  the  raids 
against  the  Americans,  which,  fomented  from 
Detroit,  made  these  settlements  their  starting- 
point  and  base  of  operations.  Fired  by  these 
reports  with  the  purpose  to  conquer  the  Illi- 
nois settlements,  he  proceeded  the  same  sum- 
mer to  Virginia.  There  he  laid  his  project 
before  Governor  Henry  and  received  that  of- 
ficial's authorization  to  raise  and  equip  a  force 
of  troops  for  the  work.  Armed  with  this  and 
a  scanty  supply  of  money  and  ammunition  he 
returned  to  Kentucky  and  launched  the  enter- 
prise. 

There  is  no  need  here  to  tell  the  story  of 
Clark's  invasion  of  the  Illinois  in  the  months 
of  1778  and  1779,  for  Clark's  own  narrative  of 
his  momentous  campaign  is  spread  before  the 
reader  in  the  pages  that  follow.  Suffice  it  to 
say,  therefore,  that  the  morning  of  February 


J^i^torical  introduction 

25,  1779,  witnessed  the  climax  of  the  campaign 
in  the  surrender  to  Clark  at  Vincennes  of 
Lieutenant-Governor  Hamilton  and  his  entire 
garrison.  Therewith  the  American  hold  on 
the  Illinois  country  was  assured,  for  the  time 
being  at  least.  Permanent  control  of  the 
Northwest,  and  peace  for  the  troubled  frontier, 
could  be  won  only  by  the  capture  of  Detroit, 
and  this  was  at  all  times  the  ultimate  goal  of 
Clark's  endeavors.  But  he  was  too  weak  to 
move  upon  Detroit  at  once  after  the  capture  of 
Vincennes;  while  waiting  for  reinforcements 
he  applied  himself  vigorously  to  the  work  of 
governing  the  newly- won  territory,  establishing 
satisfactory  relations  with  the  •  Indians  and 
preparing  the  way  for  the  greater  exploit  which 
he  was  destined  never  to  perform.  Obstacle 
after  obstacle  arose  to  postpone  or  prevent  the 
fulfillment  of  his  design.  The  British  again 
resumed  the  offensive  and  the  season  of  1780 
witnessed  a  comprehensive  attack  upon  the 
American  and  Spanish  positions  in  the  West. 
A  large  force  of  traders  and  Indians  which 
descended  the  Mississippi  and  fell  upon  St. 
Louis  was  repulsed  and  forced  to  beat  a  hasty 
retreat.  Another  British-Indian  army  under 
Captain  Bird  made  a  descent  upon  the  Ken- 
tucky settlements,  destroying  Ruddle's  and 
Martin's  stations  and  carrying  off  to  Detroit 
upwards  of  one  hundred  captives.  The  magic 
of  Clark's  name  seems  to  have  been  a  potent 
influence  in  causing  the  withdrawal  from  St. 


Louis.  He  retaliated  upon  the  invaders  with 
vigor,  sending  a  force  of  350  men  under  Colo- 
nel Montgomery  to  ravage  the  villages  of  the 
Sauk  and  Foxes  on  Rock  River,  who  had  been 
active  allies  of  the  British.  Himself  hastening 
back  to  Kentucky  upon  the  news  of  the  British 
attack  in  that  quarter,  Clark  organized  a  force 
of  1000  men  for  the  punishment  of  the  Shaw- 
nee,  who  had  participated  in  the  recent  invasion 
of  Kentucky.  From  the  mouth  of  Licking 
River,  opposite  the  present  city  of  Cincinnati, 
the  army  proceeded  to  the  Indian  towns  of 
Old  Chillicothe  and  Piqua  and  burned  the  one, 
which  had  been  abandoned,  and  stormed  and 
burned  the  other.  Although  the  issue  of  the 
campaign  was  not  decisive,  the  punishment  ac- 
corded the  Indians  sufficed  to  free  the  Ken- 
tucky settlements  from  further  molestation  by 
them  for  the  remainder  of  the  year  1780. 

For  the  year  1781  plans  were  conceived  on 
a  large  scale  by  Clark,  Governor  Jefferson  of 
Virginia,  and  General  Washington  for  the  re- 
duction of  Detroit,  but  the  settlers  of  western 
Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  largely  refused  to 
respond  to  the  call  for  troops;  discord  devel- 
oped, too,  between  Clarkand  Colonel  Brodhead, 
the  American  commander  at  Pittsburgh,  and 
the  settlers  of  Kentucky  were  either  unequal 
or  unwilling  to  undertake  the  task  to  which 
Clark  eagerly  invited  them.  So  the  matter 
dragged  on  and  the  Revolution  finally  came  to 
its  close  with  the  British  still  in  control  at  De- 


troit,  whence  they  still  continued  to  exert  an 
effective  control  over  most  of  the  tribes  of  the 
Northwest.  Not  until  a  dozen  years  more  of 
bloodshed  along  the  Ohio  frontier,  concluding 
with  the  most  serious  Indian  war  in  which  the 
American  nation  has  ever  engaged,  was  the 
grip  of  Great  Britain  relaxed,  and  peace  re- 
stored to  the  long-troubled  frontier.  The 
army  of  Mad  Anthony  Wayne  triumphantly 
concluded  the  contest  for  the  control  of  the 
Northwest  which  Clark  almost  twenty  years 
earlier  had  so  brilliantly  begun. 

With  this  hasty  resume  of  the  military  situa- 
tion in  the  West  we  may  turn  to  a  consideration 
of  Clark's  story  of  his  invasion  of  the  Illinois. 
In  the  autumn  of  1779  Clark  prepared,  in  the 
form  of  a  letter  to  his  friend,  George  Mason  of 
Virginia,  a  somewhat  lengthy  sketch  of  his 
Illinois  campaign.  With  the  passage  of  years 
the  whereabouts  of  this  letter  became  lost  to 
knowledge  and  when,  in  the  summer  of  1789, 
at  the  instance  of  James  Madison,  Clark  was 
urged  to  write  out  the  story  of  his  western 
campaigns  for  the  benefit  of  posterity,  he 
sought  in  vain  to  find  the  document.  Never- 
theless in  response  to  much  urging  Clark  set 
about  composing  a  new  narrative  of  the  period, 
the  resultant  product  being  the  famous  memoir 
reproduced  in  the  following  pages.  The 
original  document  is  a  manuscript  of  128  pages, 
at  least  IOO  of  which  were  written  during  the 
years  1789  and  1790.  For  half  a  century, 


^ntrotwction 


beginning  with  Mann  Butler's  History  of  Ken- 
tucky, published  in  1834,  historians  generally 
regarded  and  utilized  the  Memoir  as  a  trust- 
worthy narrative  of  events,  while  such  novelists 
as  Winston  Churchill  in  The  Crossing  and 
Maurice  Thompson  in  Alice  of  Old  Vincennes 
drew  heavily  upon  it  for  the  substance  of  their 
volumes.  Theodore  Roosevelt,  however,  in 
his  Winning  of  the  West  vigorously  questioned 
the  value  hitherto  accorded  to  Clark's  narra- 
tive. He  supposed  it  to  have  been  written 
"thirty  or  forty  years"  after  the  events  des- 
cribed, and  "by  an  old  man  who  had  squand- 
ered his  energies  and  sunk  into  deserved 
obscurity."  On  the  painful  period  of  Clark's 
later  years,  here  alluded  to,  there  is  no  present 
necessity  for  entering.  It  is  sufficient  for  our 
present  purpose  to  note  that  the  strictures  of 
Roosevelt  induced  Professor  James,  the  schol- 
arly editor  of  Clark's  Papers  in  the  Illinois 
Historical  Collections,  to  undertake  a  careful 
examination  of  the  entire  subject.  His  study 
established  the  fact,  already  noted,  that  the 
Memoir  was  chiefly  written  in  1789  and  1790, 
when  Clark  was  still  in  full  possession  of  his 
mental  and  physical  powers;  and  led  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  Memoir,  far  from  being 
"the  reminiscences  of  an  old  man  who  strove 
for  the  dramatic  in  his  presentation  of  facts," 
is  to  be  regarded  as  a  generally  trustworthy 
and  highly  valuable  historical  narrative  of  the 
events  with  which  it  deals. 


J?ZK'~'*v — /"/-^— 2  v 
^c  ^^  #*-,*—• *:*'''-• 

A~.~  f*fjK^*»*f~*~*  <•«/•'— >*•' 
/,^.*~  £*~~t^f,~~    '"' 

,/^.^y/.    ^X-i-"'V   ^    *        '  f    "  ^  • 


introduction 


With  our  faith  in  the  narrative  thus  reestab- 
lished, it  remains  for  those  who  have  a  fond- 
ness for  our  western  history  to  enjoy  it. 
Unfortunately,  from  the  viewpoint  of  the 
average  man,  as  contrasted  with  the  profes- 
sional scholar,  Clark's  mastery  of  the  pen  by 
no  means  equalled  his  facility  in  the  use  of  the 
sword.  His  education,  viewed  in  the  light  of 
present-day  standards,  was  necessarily  defec- 
tive. Even  the  trained  scholar  at  times  finds 
his  efforts  to  determine  Clark's  meaning 
baffled,  and  it  is  probably  safe  to  say  that, 
professional  scholars  aside,  very  few  persons 
have  ever  had  the  interest  or  perserverance  to 
read  the  Memoir  through.  For  such  a  docu- 
ment to  remain  comparatively  unknown  to  the 
great  mass  of  people  in  whose  behalf  Clark 
labored,  is  a  great  pity.  Accordingly  the 
effort  has  been  made  to  give  it  an  increased 
measure  of  publicity  by  reprinting  in  The 
Lakeside  Classics.  This  determined  upon, 
it  seemed  clear  that  instead  of  reprinting  the 
Memoir  literally  the  editor  should  under- 
take to  turn  it  into  clear  and  grammatical 
English.  Such  a  reprint  will  not  interest  the 
professional  scholar,  of  course,  but  for  him 
there  is  already  ample  accommodation  in  the 
George  Rogers  Clark  Papers  published  by  the 
Illinois  Historical  Society,  and  W.  H.  Eng- 
lish's Conquest  of  the  Country  Northwest  of 
the  River  Ohio.  If  the  present  rendering 
awakens  in  the  constituency  of  The  Lakeside 


JjHgtorical 


Classics  a  renewed  appreciation  of  the  toils  by 
which  our  country  was  won,  and  therewith  an 
increased  sense  of  its  value  to  us,  the  present 
possessors,  the  hopes  alike  of  publisher  and 
editor  will  have  been  realized. 

MlLO  M.  QUAIFE. 

Madison,  Wisconsin. 


The  Conquest 
of  The  Illinois 


SIR: 

IN  fulfilling  my  engagement  to  you  with  re- 
spect to  the  war  in  Kentucky  I  must  com- 
mence with  the  first   settlement  of   that 
district,  which  had  been  but  partially  explored 
prior  to  the  year  17/3,  when  a  considerable 
number  of  surveyors  and  private  adventurers 
passed  through  it.  The  first  settlement  was  that 
of   Harrodsburg,   undertaken    by  Colonel  J. 
Harrod1  in  the  spring  of  1774.    Before  much 
progress  had  been  made,  however,  the  settlers 

Barnes  Harrod  was  a  native  and  resident  of  Penn- 
sylvania who  in  March,  1774,  advertised  that  he  would 
lead  a  party  to  take  up  lands  in  Kentucky,  which  he 
had  visited  the  preceding  year.  About  thirty  men 
assembled  at  his  call  and  this  party  he  piloted  down 
the  Ohio  to  the  mouth  of  the  Kentucky  and  up  that 
stream  and  the  Licking  to  the  site  of  Harrodsburg. 
The  war  between  the  American  settlers  commonly 
known  as  Lord  Dunmore's  War  of  1774  was  about  to 
break  out,  and  before  launching  it  two  hardy  woods- 
men, Daniel  Boone  and  Michael  Stoner,  were  sent 
out  as  runners  to  Kentucky  to  warn  the  surveyors 
and  other  white  men  in  that  region  of  the  impending 
conflict.  At  their  warning  the  infant  settlement  of 
Harrodsburg  was  abandoned,  and  the  settlers  return- 
ed to  the  older  Holston  settlement.  The  year  fol- 
lowing Harrod  returned  to  Kentucky,  re-established 
Harrodsburg,  and  made  the  place  his  home  until  his 
death  in  1793. 


Conquest  of 


were  compelled  to  abandon  the  country  on 
account  of  the  war  with  the  Shawnee.  They 
marched  through  the  wilderness  and  joined 
Colonel  Lewis'  army,2  but  at  the  close  of  the 
war  they  returned  and  resumed  possession  of 
their  town  in  the  spring  of  1775.  In  the  mean- 
while Colonel  Henderson3  and  company  had 
purchased  the  Kentucky  country  from  the  Cher- 
okee and  made  an  establishment  and  opened  a 
land  office  at  Boonesborough,  but  with  these 
circumstances  you  are  well  acquainted. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  I  first  entertained 
the  thought  of  concerning  myself  about  the 
interest  of  this  country.  The  proprietors  at 
first  took  great  pains  to  win  the  favor  of  the 
settlers,  but  too  soon  for  their  own  self-interest 
they  began  to  raise  the  prices  on  their  lands, 
which  gave  rise  to  much  complaint.  A  few 
gentlemen  made  some  effort  to  persuade  the 
people  to  pay  no  attention  to  them.  I  saw 
clearly  that  the  proprietors  were  working  their 
own  ruin,  that  their  greatest  security  lay  in 

2  General  Andrew  Lewis,  commander  in  the  notable 
battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  where  the  Great  Kanawha 
River  empties  into  the  Ohio,  October  10, 1774.  Lewis 
long  played  a  prominent  role  on  the  Pennsylvania 
and  Virginia  frontiers.    In  1775  his  appointment  was 
urged  by  Washington  as  commander-m-chief  of  the 
Continental  army. 

3  Colonel  Richard  Henderson  was  a  prominent  citi- 
zen of  North  Carolina  who,  like  Harrod,  conceived 
a  project  of  settlement  in  Kentucky.     He  organized 
the  Transylvania  Company,  purchased  a  vast  quantity 

4 


making  it  to  the  interest  of  the  settlers  to  sup- 
port their  claim,  and  that  their  conduct  would 
shortly  exasperate  the  people  and  afford  the 
opportunity  to  overthrow  them. 

I  left  the  country  in  the  fall  of  1775  and 
returned  the  following  spring.  While  in  Vir- 
ginia diverse  opinions  were  held  respecting 
Henderson's  claim.  Many  thought  it  good, 
while  others  doubted  whether  Virginia  could 
with  propriety  advance  any  pretensions  to  the 
country.  This  was  what  I  wanted  to  know. 
I  immediately  formed  the  plan  of  assembling 
the  settlers  and  persuading  them  to  elect  dele- 
gates to  proceed  to  Virginia  and  treat  with 
that  state  concerning  the  Kentucky  country ; 
if  suitable  conditions  were  secured  we  would 
declare  ourselves  citizens  of  that  state ;  if  not, 
we  would  establish  an  independent  government 
and  by  giving  away  a  large  part  of  the  lands, 
and  making  other  disposition  of  the  remainder, 

of  goods,  and  invited  the  Cherokee,  who  claimed  the 
tract  which  Henderson  proposed  to  settle,  to  hold 
a  treaty  with  him  on  the  Watauga  River  in  March, 
I775-  Some  twelve  hundred  natives  assembled,  and 
on  March  17  the  treaty  was  consummated.  The 
Transylvania  Company  thereupon  settled  Boones- 
borough,  opened  a  land  office,  and  held  one  legislative 
session  in  Kentucky.  Their  claim  was  disputed,  how- 
ever, and  in  1778  the  Virginia  legislature  granted  the 
company  200,000  acres  of  land  on  Green  River  by 
way  of  payment  for  the  expense  incurred  in  settling 
Kentucky.  Henderson  went  out  with  the  first  group 
of  settlers,  and  his  journal  is  now  preserved  in  the 
Draper  collection  at  Madison,  Wisconsin. 


€fje  Conquest  of 


we  could  not  only  gain  a  large  number  of  in- 
habitants but  in  large  measure  protect  them. 

To  carry  this  project  into  effect  I  appointed 
a  general  meeting  of  the  settlers  at  Harrods- 
burg  June  6,  1776,  giving  out  that  something 
would  be  proposed  to  them  which  much  con- 
cerned their  interest.  My  reason  for  with- 
holding information  as  to  what  I  wished  to  be 
done  was  in  part  to  prevent  the  settlers  from 
dividing  into  parties  on  the  subject,  in  part  to 
insure  a  more  general  attendance,  as  every  one 
would  wish  to  know  what  was  to  be  done. 
Unfortunately,  it  was  late  in  the  evening  of  the 
day  appointed  before  I  could  get  to  the  place. 
The  people  had  been  in  some  confusion,  but 
had  at  length  concluded  that  the  design  was 
simply  to  send  delegates  to  Virginia  with  a 
petition  praying  the  Assembly  to  accept  them 
as  such  and  to  establish  a  county  government, 
etc.  The  polls  were  opened  before  my  arrival, 
and  the  settlers  had  entered  into  the  election 
with  such  spirit  and  carried  matters  so  far  that 
I  could  not  get  them  to  alter  the  plan  of  dele- 
gates with  petitions  to  that  of  deputies  under 
the  authority  of  the  people.  In  short,  I  did 
not  make  much  effort  to  bring  this  about. 
John  Gabriel  Jones  and  myself  were  elected  as 
delegates,  the  papers  were  prepared,  and  in  a 
few  days  we  set  out  for  Williamsburg.  We 
hoped  to  arrive  before  the  Assembly  should 
adjourn,  for  there  was  great  apprehension  that 
the  Indians,  stirred  up  by  the  British,  would 
6 


shortly  make  an  attack  upon  Kentucky,  and  no 
time  ought  to  be  lost  in  putting  it  in  a  state 
of  defence. 

Apprehending  no  immediate  danger  on  the 
Wilderness  Road,4  Mr.  Jones  and  I  set  out  with- 
out waiting  for  other  company.  We  soon  had 
cause  to  repent  our  rashness,  however,  for  on 
the  second  day  we  discovered  alarming  signs 
of  Indians.  On  the  third  day  Mr.  Jones'  horse 
gave  out.  With  our  few  belongings  on  my 
horse,  and  in  so  hilly  a  country,  it  was  impos- 
sible for  two  to  ride  at  a  time.  The  weather 
was  very  rainy.  Our  feet  were  wet  con- 
tinuously for  three  or  four  days  and  nights, 
and,  not  daring  to  make  a  fire  to  dry  them,  we 
both  got  what  the  hunters  call  "scald  feet," 
a  most  shocking  complaint.  In  this  situation 
we  traveled  on,  in  greater  torment  than  I  have 
ever  before  or  since  experienced,  hoping  to  get 
relief  at  the  station  in  Powell's  Valley,  ten  or 
twelve  miles  from  Cumberland  Gap. 

Greatly  to  our  disappointment,  we  found  the 
place  totally  abandoned  and  partly  burned  down. 
My  companion,  being  but  little  used  to  such 

4  Before  the  conclusion  of  his  treaty  with  the  Chero- 
kee at  Watauga  in  the  spring  of  1775,  Henderson 
sent  Daniel  Boone  with  a  company  of  woodsmen  to 
open  a  road  to  the  Kentucky  River,  a  distance  of 
some  two  hundred  miles.  This  was  the  origin  of  the 
famous  Wilderness  Road,  over  which  thousands  of 
emigrants  later  poured  into  the  West.  Its  interesting 
history  is  told  by  Archer  B.  Hulbert  in  Boone' s  Wil- 
derness Road  (Cleveland,  1903). 

7 


€j)e  Conquest  of 


hardship,  became  greatly  discouraged  at  this 
blow  to  our  hopes.  I  encouraged  him  by  rep- 
resenting the  certainty  of  the  settlers  being 
at  Martin's  fort,  about  eight  miles  ahead,  as  I 
supposed  the  whole  had  embodied  there.  Al- 
though the  danger  was  much  greater  than  we 
had  apprehended,  we  were  now  fully  apprised 
of  it,  and  if  we  could  make  out  to  walk  through 
the  woods,  both  of  us  riding  where  there  was 
level  ground,  we  could  reach  the  place  without 
any  great  risk.  This  we  attempted,  but  in  vain ; 
we  were  obliged  to  keep  to  the  road,  for  the 
one  on  foot  could  not  endure  the  torture  of 
walking  through  the  thick  woods.  Hearing 
Indian  guns  frequently,  we  had  hopes  they 
were  hunters  from  the  station  to  which  we  were 
bound,  but  to  our  surprise  we  found  on  arrival 
that  the  fort  had  been  abandoned  for  some  time. 
There  were  a  few  human  tracks  which  we  knew 
to  be  Indian,  as  also  the  guns  we  had  heard. 

Our  situation  now  appeared  deplorable.  The 
nearest  inhabitants  we  knew  were  sixty  miles 
away,  we  were  unable  to  travel,  and  the  Indians 
appeared  to  be  in  full  possession  of  the  sur- 
rounding country.  We  sat  still  for  a  few 
moments  looking  at  each  other,  and  I  found 
myself  reduced  to  a  state  of  perfect  despair. 
Mr.  Jones  asked  me  what  we  should  do.  I 
told  him  it  was  impossible  to  make  the  settle- 
ment in  our  present  condition,  while  if  we  hid 
in  the  mountains  and  the  weather  continued 
wet  our  situation  would  become  worse  rather 
8 


than  better  and  we  would  perhaps  perish; 
that  we  knew  a  party  was  to  follow  us  from 
Kentucky  in  eight  or  ten  days ;  that  oil  and 
ouse  made  of  oak  bark  would  cure  our  feet  in 
a  few  days,  and  I  thought  our  only  possible 
plan  was  to  take  possession  of  the  best  cabin 
in  the  place,  fortify  ourselves  in  it,  and  burn 
down  the  rest  of  the  fort ;  that  there  were 
plenty  of  hogs  around  the  corn  cribs,  and  with 
a  few  of  them  and  a  barrel  of  water  and  some 
corn  we  probably  could  stand  a  siege  until  re- 
lieved by  the  party  we  expected  to  follow  us 
from  Kentucky;  that  ten  or  twelve  Indians 
could  not  drive  us  from  the  place,  as  I  was 
well  acquainted  with  them  and  knew  they 
would  not  storm  us  at  great  disadvantage  to 
themselves  ;  that  we  were  well  armed ,  having 
a  rifle,  two  case  of  good  pistols,  and  a  hangar; 
and  that  I  was  confident  we  could  defend  our- 
selves against  a  larger  number  of  Indians  than 
he  had  any  idea  of. 

He  was  overjoyed  at  the  proposition  and  we 
fell  to  work.  I  sent  him  to  kill  a  hog  which 
was  eating  corn,  by  running  a  sword  through 
it  to  prevent  noise.  I  selected  a  small  strong 
cabin  of  Captain  Martin's  which  stood  a  little 
detached  from  the  rest.  The  door  being  locked 
with  some  tables  and  chairs  inside,  I  climbed  to 
the  top  of  the  chimney  and  flung  it  down  until 
it  was  so  low  that  I  could  drop  into  the  house 
without  hurting  myself  (not  being  able  to  sup- 
port myself  with  my  feet  against  the  logs)  and 
9 


Conquest  of 


cut  off  the  lock  of  the  door.  By  this  time  my 
friend  had  got  his  hog.  Being  better  able  to 
walk,  he  filled  a  keg  with  water,  and  we  col- 
lected some  wood  and  brought  in  some  corn. 
We  then  barred  the  door,  knocked  out  some 
portholes,  set  the  table  in  the  middle  of  the 
floor  and  spread  our  arms  and  ammunition  in 
order  upon  it,  and  waited  impatiently  for  the 
wind  to  shift  so  that  we  might  set  fire  to  the 
fort  without  burning  our  own  castle.  Our 
agreement  was  that  in  case  of  an  attack  Mr. 
Jones  should  continue  to  load  the  pieces  as  I 
discharged  them,  without  paying  any  attention 
to  the  enemy  unless  they  stormed  the  house. 
We  cooked  some  provisions,  dressed  our  feet 
with  oil,  and  continued  diligently  preparing  for 
defense  until  late  in  the  evening.  Then,  the 
wind  having  died  away,  we  proposed  to  set  fire 
to  the  houses  as  we  had  planned.  We  had  no 
sooner  unbarred  the  door,  however,  than  we 
heard  a  horse  bell  open  on  the  road  and  in  a 
few  minutes  stop  again.  We  were  fully  con- 
vinced that  the  enemy  was  at  hand,  and  im- 
mediately secured  ourselves  as  well  as  possible, 
determined  to  execute  our  first  plan,  and  if  they 
should  attempt  to  burn  us  out  to  knock  off  the 
roof  of  the  cabin.  We  waited  in  suspense  for 
some  time,  but  at  last  to  our  great  joy  we  found 
they  were  white  men  who  had  come  from  the 
settlement  on  Clinch  River  to  collect  some 
things  they  had  hid  at  the  time  they  had  left 
this  place.  When  they  came  in  sight  of  the 
10 


fort  the  bell  on  one  of  their  horses  became 
untied.  When  they  discovered  the  smoke 
of  our  fire,  supposing  us  to  be  Indians,  they 
approached  under  cover  in  order  to  discover 
the  full  situation  and  gain  an  advantage  over 
us.  While  they  were  thus  engaged  we  had  a 
full  view  of  them,  and  accordingly  we  dis- 
closed ourselves  to  them.  They  appeared  to 
be  happy  over  having  it  in  their  power  to  re- 
lieve us,  and  we  crossed  the  mountains  with 
them  to  the  settlements. 

Having  recruited  our  strength,  we  resumed 
our  journey  as  far  as  Boutetourt  County,  and 
there  learned  we  were  too  late  for  the  Assem- 
bly, which  had  already  adjourned.  For  some 
time  we  were  at  a  loss  to  determine  what  our 
future  course  should  be.  We  finally  conclud- 
ed to  remain  in  Virginia  until  the  fall  session, 
and  that  in  the  meantime  I  should  go  to 
Williamsburg  and  endeavor  to  procure  some, 
powder  for  the  settlers  in  Kentucky,  and  in 
general  look  after  their  interests. 

We  parted.  Mr.  Jones  returned  to  Holston, 
there  to  join  the  force  that  was  being  raised 
to  repel  the  Cherokee,  who  had  recently  com- 
menced hostilities,  while  I  proceeded  on  my  way. 
Governor  Henry  of  Virginia  lay  sick  at  his 
home  in  Hanover,  where  I  waited  on  him  and 
presented  my  credentials.  He  appeared  much 
disposed  to  favor  the  Kentuckians  and  gave 
me  a  letter  to  the  Council  on  the  subject.  I 
waited  upon  that  body.  My  application  was 
ii 


Conquest  of 


for  500  pounds  of  powder  to  be  conveyed  to 
Kentucky  for  immediate  use.  After  various 
questions  had  been  asked,  and  consultations 
held,  the  Councillors  agreed  to  furnish  the 
powder;  but  as  we  were  a  detached  people 
not  yet  united  to  the  state  of  Virginia,  and 
until  the  session  of  the  Assembly  it  was  un- 
certain whether  we  would  become  united,  they 
could  only  lend  us  the  ammunition  as  to  friends 
in  distress,  and  I  must  become  responsible  in 
case  the  Assembly  should  not  receive  us  as 
citizens  of  the  state.  I  informed  them  it  was 
beyond  my  power  to  pay  the  expense  of  trans- 
porting and  guarding  these  supplies.  The 
British  officers  on  our  frontier  were  employing 
every  energy  to  engage  the  Indians  in  the  war. 
The  settlers  might  be  destroyed  for  want  of 
this  small  supply,  and  I  hoped  they  would  re- 
consider the  matter  and  do  us  the  favor  of 
sending  us  the  ammunition  at  public  expense. 
They  replied  that  they  were  disposed  to  do  for 
us  everything  in  their  power,  consistent  with 
their  official  duty,  and  this  I  believed  to  be  true. 
After  advancing  many  arguments  to  con- 
vince me  that  even  what  they  had  proposed 
was  a  stretch  of  power,  they  informed  me  they 
could  venture  no  further,  and  an  order  was 
issued  to  the  keeper  of  the  magazine  to  deliver 
the  ammunition  to  me.  For  twelve  months 
past  I  had  reflected  so  much  upon  the  several 
continental  factors  which  affected  us  that  my 
resolution  was  formed  before  I  left  the  council 
12 


chamber.  I  resolved  to  return  the  order  I  had 
received  and  repair  immediately  to  Kentucky, 
knowing  the  settlers  would  readily  adopt  my 
first  plan,  as  what  had  occurred  had  rendered 
its  success  practically  certain.  I  wrote  to  the 
Council  and  enclosed  the  order  for  the  pow- 
der. I  told  them  I  had  weighed  the  matter 
and  found  it  was  out  of  my  power  to  convey 
those  stores  at  my  own  expense  such  a  distance 
through  a  hostile  country;  that  I  was  sorry  to 
find  that  we  would  have  to  seek  protection  else- 
where, which  I  did  not  doubt  of  getting;  and 
that  if  a  country  was  not  worth  protecting  it 
was  not  worth  claiming.  What  transpired  on 
the  reception  of  this  letter  I  do  not  know.  I 
was  now  sent  for  by  a  set  of  gentlemen  who 
were  zealous  in  the  welfare  of  their  country, 
and  I  fully  apprised  them  of  the  probable 
course  of  events  in  Kentucky.  Being  some- 
what prejudiced  in  favor  of  my  mother  country, 
I  was  willing  to  meet  them  half  way.  Orders 
were  immediately  issued,  dated  August  23, 
1776,  for  conveying  the  ammunition  to  Pitts- 
burgh, there  to  await  further  orders  from  me. 
Matters  being  thus  amicably  arranged,  I 
wrote  a  letter  informing  the  Kentuckians  what 
had  been  done  and  recommending  that  they 
send  to  Pittsburgh  for  the  powder  and  convey 
it  by  water  to  Kentucky,  but  they  never  re- 
ceived the  letter.  I  myself  remained  in  Vir- 
ginia until  the  fall  session,  when  I  was  joined 
by  my  colleague,  Mr.  Jones,  and  we  laid  our 

13 


Conquest  of 


papers  before  the  Assembly.  That  body  de- 
cided that  we  could  not  take  our  seats  as  mem- 
bers, but  that  our  business  should  be  attended 
to.  Colonel  Henderson,  one  of  the  purchasers 
from  the  Cherokees,  was  present  and  greatly 
retarded  our  business.  Colonel  Arthur  Camp- 
bell,5 a  member  of  the  Assembly,  also  strongly 
opposed  the  project  for  a  new  county,  wishing 
us  to  remain  annexed  to  the  county  on  whose 
frontier  we  lay  and  which  he  himself  repre- 
sented. This  caused  it  to  be  late  in  the  session 
before  we  secured  the  establishment  of  a  new 
county  by  the  name  of  Kentucky. 

Mr.  Jones  and  I  parted  at  Williamsburg,  but 
learning  there  that  the  ammunition  was  still  at 
Pittsburgh,  we  resolved  to  return  that  way  and 
take  it  down  the  river.  We  agreed  to  meet 
there,  but  the  weather  proving  severe  it  was 
late  in  the  fall  before  we  could  set  out.  How- 
ever trifling  a  small  quantity  of  ammunition 

6  Colonel  Arthur  Campbell  was  one  of  the  prominent 
men  of  the  Virginia  border.  At  the  age  of  fifteen  he 
was  captured  by  a  band  of  Northwestern  Indians  and 
spent  three  years  as  a  captive  in  the  vicinity  of  Lake 
Erie.  In  1765  his  father  settled  on  the  Middle  Fork 
of  Holston  in  modern  Smyth  County.  Here  young 
Campbell  built  the  first  mill  in  1770,  served  as  justice 
of  the  peace,  and  took  part  in  all  the  stirring  events 
of  the  Virginia  border  in  the  folio  wing  years.  In  1780 
he  conducted  a  brilliant  campaign  against  the  Chero- 
kee. The  leadership  at  the  famous  battle  of  King's 
Mountain  the  following  year  he  resigned  to  his  cousin, 
William  Campbell.  He  died  near  Middlesborough, 
Kentucky,  in  1811. 

14 


or  the  loss  or  acquisition  of  a  few  men  may 
appear  to  the  country  as  a  whole,  I  knew  that 
by  the  Kentuckians  the  loss  of  either  would  be 
severely  felt,  and  accordingly  I  exercised  all 
possible  care.  I  found  the  Indians  to  be  fully 
prepared  for  war  in  the  spring,  and  those  who 
came  in  to  Fort  Pitt  under  color  of  friendship 
were  in  fact  acting  as  spies:  also  that  they 
suspected  our  intention  of  going  down  the 
river  and  would  attempt  to  intercept  us. 

Realizing  that  our  safety  depended  solely 
upon  expedition,  without  waiting  to  recruit  our 
party  we  set  out  with  but  seven  hands  in  a 
small  vessel,  and  by  the  most  indefatigable 
labor  accomplished  our  journey.  We  passed 
the  Indians  in  the  night,  or  by  some  other 
means  got  ahead  of  them,  for  the  day  before 
we  landed  at  Limestone6  we  plainly  discovered 
they  were  pursuing  us.  We  hid  our  stores  in 
four  or  five  places,  scattered  at  considerable 
distances,  and,  running  a  few  miles  farther 
down  the  river,  turned  our  vessel  adrift  and  set 
out  by  land  for  Harrodsburg  to  get  an  adequate 
force  of  men  to  return  for  the  ammunition. 
We  passed  the  Blue  Licks7  and  on  the  third  day 

•Modern  Maysville,  long  the  chief  river  post  for 
Kentucky. 

7  On  Licking  River.  Here  were  noted  salt  deposits. 
While  making  salt  here  in  1778  Daniel  Boone  was 
captured  by  the  Indians.  In  August,  1782,  occurred 
here  the  disastrous  battle  of  Blue  Licks,  wherein  a 
large  number  of  Kentucky  frontiersmen  were  slain. 

IS 


Conquest  of 


after  leaving  the  river  arrived  at  Hinkston's 
cabin8  on  the  west  fork  of  Licking  Creek. 
While  we  were  resting  here  four  men  who  had 
been  out  looking  up  land  in  that  section  came 
up  and  informed  us  concerning  the  situation  of 
affairs  in  Kentucky.  They  told  us  the  late 
Colonel  John  Todd9  was  out  with  a  party  some- 
where in  the  vicinity,  and  if  we  could  find  him 
we  would  be  strong  enough  to  return  to  the 
river.  But  whether  we  could  find  him  was 
uncertain. 

As  several  of  our  party  were  much  fatigued, 
we  agreed  that  I  and  two  others  should  proceed 
to  Harrodsburg  for  the  proposed  party,  while 
Mr.  Jones  and  the  others  should  remain  in  that 

8Major  John  Hinkston,  a  native  of  Pennsylvania, 
was  a  noted  scout  and  woodsman  who  in  1775  led  a 
company  of  settlers  into  Kentucky  and  erected  a 
station  near  modern  Paris.  This  was  abandoned  in 
July,  1776,  through  fear  of  Indian  ravages.  Four 
years  later,  Hinkston  brought  his  family  to  Kentucky, 
but  had  just  arrived  at  his  old  station  when  he  was  cap- 
tured by  a  British-Indian  force  under  Col.  Henry  Bird. 

9  John  Todd  was  a  native  of  Pennsylvania  who  was 
educated  in  Virginia.  He  practiced  law  for  a  time 
and  in  1774  took  part  in  the  campaign  against  the 
Shawnee  which  ended  in  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant. 
In  1775  he  removed  to  Kentucky,  served  in  the  Tran- 
sylvania legislature,  and  was  one  of  the  first  delegates 
from  Kentucky  County  to  the  Virginia  legislature. 
After  Clark's  conquest  of  the  Illinois  country  Todd 
was  sent  out  to  serve  as  county  lieutenant  of  the  newly- 
organized  county  of  Illinois.  He  held  this  office  one 
year,  when  he  returned  to  Kentucky.  He  was  killed 
in  the  battle  of  the  Blue  Licks  in  1782. 
16 


neighborhood  until  our  return.  Shortly  after 
I  had  set  out,  however,  Colonel  Todd  arrived 
at  the  place,  and  after  some  consultation  con- 
cluded they  were  strong  enough  to  go  to  the 
river  and  bring  in  the  ammunition  and  other 
stores.  Accordingly  he  set  out  with  ten  men, 
but  on  December  25,  between  the  Licking 
and  the  Ohio,  he  met  the  Indians  who  were 
following  our  trail,  and  was  totally  routed. 
Mr.  Jones  was  killed  and  three  others  were 
either  killed  or  taken  prisoners. 10  Fortunately 
for  us,  the  prisoners  did  not  reveal  to  the  In- 
dians our  hidden  stores. 

On  December  2Qth  a  large  party  of  Indians 
attacked  McClelland's  Fort11  on  Elkhorn. 
They  killed  McClelland  and  White  and  wound- 
ed two  others,  after  which  the  survivors  moved 
to  Harrodsburg.  The  inhabitants  of  Kentucky 
at  this  period  consisted  of  about  men  in 

10  One  of  those  thus  captured  was  Joseph  Rogers, 
a  cousin  of  Clark.     He  was  held  in  captivity  several 
years.     At  length  when  Clark   led  his  expedition 
against  the  Shawnee  towns  of  Ohio  in  the  summer 
of  1780,  Rogers  found  his  opportunity  to  escape.    In 
the  fighting  which  attended  Clark's  capture  of  Piqua, 
he  ran  towards  the  Americans,  shouting  to  them  not 
to  shoot  him  for  he  was  a  white  man.     He  fell  mor- 
tally wounded,  however,  and  expired  a  short  time 
after  Clark  reached  his  side. 

11  McClelland's  station  had  been  established  late 
in    1775  or  early  in  1776  near  the  site  of  modern 
Georgetown.     The  attack  here  noted  was  made  by 
Captain  Pluggy's  band  of  Indians.    Pluggy  was  him- 
self slain  in  this  attack. 

17 


Conquest  of 


the  stations  of  Harrodsburg,  Boonesborough. 
and  Colonel  Logan's  (station),12  which  had  been 
established  about  this  time.  The  information 
I  gave  sufficiently  alarmed  them.  The  settlers 
had  scarcely  time  enough  to  prepare  themselves 
when  a  large  body  of  Indians  advanced,  on 
March  7,  1777,  (on  the  5th  the  militia  of  the 
city  had  been  embodied),  to  the  attack  on 
Harrodsburg.  •  They  fired  on  some  boys  in  the 
evening  five  miles  from  town,  killing  one  of 
them.  The  others  made  their  escape  and  gave 
the  alarm.  A  party  from  the  fort  advanced 
to  the  place,  but  fortunately,  it  being  late  in 
the  evening,  they  did  not  fall  in  with  the 
Indians,  as  in  all  probability  our  party  would 
have  been  cut  to  pieces  and  of  course  the 
country  lost.  The  loss  of  a  single  man  at  this 
time  was  sensibly  felt,  and  general  actions  with 
the  enemy  must  be  avoided  except  when  we 
had  an  evident  superiority,  as  the  enemy  could 
easily  retrieve  their  losses  by  recruits  from 
numerous  tribes,  an  advantage  we  could  not 
expect  to  enjoy  for  some  time. 

On  the  following  morning  the  Indians  en- 
tered the  upper  part  of  the  town  (which  had 
been  evacuated  the  evening  before),  and  a  little 

"Logan's  station,  about  ten  miles  from  Boones- 
borough, was  established  in  1775.  Its  founder,  Ben- 
jamin Logan,  was  a  native  of  Virginia  who  bore  a 
prominent  part  in  the  development  of  Kentucky.  He 
was  a  noted  Indian  fighter,  and  served  in  numerous 
campaigns  of  this  period.  He  died  in  Shelby  County 
in  1802. 

18 


after  daylight  set  fire  to  one  of  the  houses.  A 
small  party  of  men  immediately  went  to  see 
what  was  the  cause  of  this  and  were  fired  upon 
by  the  Indians.  However,  they  were  covered 
by  a  party  from  the  fort  and  made  good  their 
retreat.  In  this  affair  one  man  was  killed  on 
each  side,  and  a  few  were  wounded. 

Being  the  superior  officer,  I  had  the  coun- 
try put  into  as  good  a  state  of  defense  as  our 
situation  would  admit,  determined  if  possible 
to  stand  our  ground  in  hopes  of  relief,  as  the 
governor  of  Virginia  had  uniformly  appeared 
to  be  our  friend.  From  this  period  we  may 
date  the  commencement  of  that  bloody  war  in 
Kentucky  which  has  continued  with  savage  fury 
ever  since.  Upward  of  two  thousand  souls 
have  perished  on  our  side,  in  a  moderate  cal- 
culation, and  the  war  has  been  severely  felt  by 
the  most  active  Indian  nations.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  enumerate  all  the  little  actions  that 
took  place.  They  were  continual,  and  fre- 
quently severe  when  compared  to  our  small 
forces.  The  forts  were  frequently  attacked. 
Good  policy  would  seem  to  have  required  that 
the  whole  force  be  embodied  in  one  place,  but 
our  dependence  upon  hunting  for  the  greatest 
portion  of  our  provisions  forbade  this.  No 
people  could  be  in  a  more  alarming  position. 
Detached  at  least  two  hundred  miles  from  the 
nearest  settlement  of  the  states,  we  were  sur- 
rounded by  numerous  Indian  nations,  each 
one  far  superior  to  ourselves  in  numbers  and 


€lK  Conquest  of 


spurred  on  by  the  British  government  to  de- 
stroy us,  as  appeared  from  many  instruments 
of  writing  left  us  on  the  breasts  of  persons 
killed  by  them. 

I  frequently  feared  the  settlers  would  con- 
sider making  peace  with  Detroit  and  suffer 
themselves  and  families  to  be  carried  off. 
Their  distress  may  be  easily  conceived  from  our 
situation;  yet  they  remained  firm  in  the  hope 
of  relief,  which  they  received  by  the  arrival  of 
a  company  of  men  under  Colonel  John  Bow- 
man13 on  the  second  of  September.  This 
reinforcement,  though  small,  gave  an  appear- 
ance of  new  life  to  the  situation.  Encouraged 
by  this  and  by  the  stand  they  had  already  made, 
every  one  seemed  determined  to  exert  himself 
in  strengthening  the  country  by  encouraging  as 
many  of  his  friends  to  move  out,  and  in  the 
end  this  measure  was  successful.  After  the 
arrival  of  Colonel  Bowman  I  left  Kentucky,  in 
October,  1777,  and  returned  to  Virginia  with 
a  party  of  young  men  who  had  been  detained 
on  the  promise  of  being  liberated  upon  his 
arrival.  During  the  severe  spring  preceding, 

13  Colonel  John  Bowman,  a  native  of  Virginia, 
visited  Kentucky  in  1775.  The  following  summer  he 
was  at  Harrodsburg,  where  he  served  on  the  commit- 
tee of  safety.  In  the  autumn  of  1776  he  was  chosen 
colonel  of  Kentucky  militia,  and  led  thither  a  company 
for  the  defense  of  the  settlers,  arriving  in  August, 
1777.  In  1779  he  led  an  expedition  into  the  Miami 
country,  but  nothing  decisive  was  accomplished.  He 
died  in  Lincoln  County,  Kentucky,  in  1784. 
20 


our  conduct  had  been  very  uniform.  The  de- 
fense of  our  forts,  the  procuring  of  provisions, 
and  when  possible  surprising  the  Indians  (which 
was  frequently  done),  burying  the  dead  and 
dressing  the  wounded,  seemed  to  comprise  our 
entire  business. 

The  whole  of  my  time  when  not  thus  em- 
ployed was  devoted  to  reflecting  upon  things 
in  general;  particularly  whether  or  no  it  ac- 
corded with  the  interest  of  the  United  States 
to  support  Kentucky.  This  led  me  to  a  long 
train  of  thinking,  the  result  of  which  was  to  lay 
aside  every  private  view  and  engage  seriously 
in  the  war,  having  the  interest  and  the  welfare 
of  the  public  my  only  concern  until  the  fate  of 
the  continent  should  be  known;  divesting  my- 
self of  prejudice  and  partiality  in  favor  of  any 
particular  parts  of  the  country,  I  determined 
to  pursue  what  I  considered  to  be  the  interest 
of  the  whole.  This  has  influenced  my  conduct 
throughout  the  course  of  the  war,  and  enabled 
me  better  to  judge  of  the  importance  of  Ken- 
tucky to  the  Union,  situated  as  it  was  almost 
in  the  midst  of  the  Indians,  who  had  commonly 
engaged  in  the  Kentucky  war  as  an  impediment 
in  their  way  to  the  more  interior  frontiers.  I 
saw  that  as  soon  as  they  should  accomplish  the 
destruction  of  Kentucky  they  would  descend 
upon  our  frontiers;  and  instead  of  the  states 
receiving  supplies  from  thence,  they  would  be 
obliged  to  keep  large  bodies  of  troops  for  their 
defense.  It  would  be  almost  impossible  to 
21 


Conquest  of 


move  an  army  at  so  great  a  distance  to  attack 
their  towns,  even  if  they  could  be  found. 
By  supporting  Kentucky  and  encouraging  its 
growth  these  obstacles  would  in  great  measure 
be  removed;  for  should  the  British  officers 
perceive  their  mistaken  policy  in  carrying  on 
the  war  against  Kentucky  by  the  Indians  and, 
withdrawing  from  them,  bend  their  whole  force 
against  the  interior  frontiers  as  a  certain  mode 
of  distressing  the  states,  we  might,  with  a  little 
assistance,  march  with  ease  at  any  time  from 
this  country  to  any  part  of  their  country  we 
might  choose.  (This  is  the  only  circumstance 
that  can  excuse  their  conduct.) 

These  ideas  caused  me  to  view  Kentucky  in 
the  most  favorable  point  of  view,  as  a  place  of 
the  greatest  consequence,  which  ought  to  meet 
with  every  encouragement,  and  to  perceive  that 
nothing  I  could  engage  in  would  be  of  more 
general  utility  than  its  defense.  As  I  knew 
the  commandant  of  the  different  towns  of  the 
Illinois  country  and  the  Wabash  was  busily 
engaged  in  exciting  the  Indians  against  us,  their 
reduction  became  my  first  object.  I  sent  two 
young  hunters,  S.  Moore  and  B.  Linn,14  to 
those  places  as  spies,  with  proper  instructions 

14 These  were  Lieutenant  Samuel  Moore  and  Lieu- 
tenant Benjamin  Linn.  The  latter  was  a  younger 
brother  of  Colonel  William  Linn.  He  spent  his  early 
life  in  western  Maryland,  moving  in  1769  to  the 
Monongahela  River.  He  went  to  Kentucky  early  in 
1776  and  the  following  spring  was  chosen  a  lieutenant 
of  the  Kentucky  County  militia.  On  the  mission  to 

22 


for  their  conduct.  To  prevent  suspicion,  neither 
they  nor  anyone  in  Kentucky  knew  anything 
of  my  design  until  it  was  ripe  for  execution. 
They  returned  to  Harrodsburg  with  all  the 
information  I  could  reasonably  have  expected. 
I  found  by  them  that  the  Illinois  people  had 
but  little  expectation  of  a  visit  from  us.  Things 
were  kept  in  good  order,  however,  the  militia 
trained,  etc.,  that  they  might  be  prepared  in 
case  of  a  visit.  I  learned  that  the  greatest 
pains  were  taken  to  inflame  the  minds  of  the 
French  inhabitants  against  the  Americans,  not- 
withstanding which  the  spies  had  discovered 
traces  of  affection  for  us  on  the  part  of  some 
of  the  inhabitants ;  and  that  the  Indians  from 
that  region  were  generally  engaged  in  the  war 
upon  us. 

When  I  left  Kentucky,  October  I,  17/7,  I 
plainly  saw  that  every  eye  was  turned  towards 
me  as  if  expecting  some  stroke  in  their  favor. 
Some  of  the  settlers  doubted  my  return,  sup- 
posing I  would  join  the  army  in  Virginia :  I  left 
them  with  reluctance,  promising  (what  I  had 
predetermined)  that  I  would  certainly  return 
to  their  assistance. 

Kaskaskia,  here  noted,  he  narrowly  escaped  detec- 
tion, and  retired  in  haste  at  the  suggestion  of  a  friend 
to  the  Americans.  He  did  not  go  on  Clark's  expedi- 
tion against  Kaskaskia,  but  in  1779  he  joined  him  at 
Vincennes.  He  later  became  a  somewhat  noted  Bap- 
tist preacher,  and  founded  the  second  church  of  that 
denomination  in  Kentucky.  He  died  at  Huntsville, 
Alabama,  in  December,  1814. 

23 


€jje  Conquest  of 


On  my  arrival  at  Williamsburg  I  remained  a 
considerable  time  settling  the  accounts  of  the 
Kentucky  militia  and  taking  note  of  everything 
I  saw  or  heard  that  shed  light  on  the  disposi- 
tion of  those  in  power.  Burgoyne's  army  hav- 
ing been  captured  and  things  seeming  to  wear 
a  pleasing  aspect,  on  December  10  I  commu- 
nicated my  design  to  Governor  Henry.  At  first 
he  seemed  to  favor  it,  but  to  send  a  party  off 
to  so  great  a  distance  appeared  daring  and 
hazardous  even  though  the  service  to  be  per- 
formed''might  be  of  great  utility.  To  lay  the 
matter  before  the  Assembly,  then  in  session, 
would  be  dangerous,  as  it  would  soon  be  known 
throughout  the  frontiers,  and  the  first  prisoner 
taken  by  the  Indians  would  probably  give  the 
alarm,  which  would  end  in  the  certain  destruc- 
tion of  the  party.  Governor  Henry  therefore 
held  several  private  councils  with  select  men. 
After  making  every  inquiry  into  my  proposed 
plans  of  operations  (and  particularly  into  that 
of  a  retreat  in  case  of  misfortune,  in  which 
event  I  intended  to  cross  the  Mississippi  into 
Spanish  territory)  the  expedition  was  resolved 
upon;  and  as  an  encouragement  to  those  who 
would  engage  in  it  a  document  was  drawn  up 
whereby  those  gentlemen  promised,  in  the 
event  of  success,  to  use  their  influence  to  pro- 
cure from  the  Assembly  300  acres  of  land  for 
each  man. 

The  Governor  and  Council  entered  so  warm- 
ly into  the  enterprise  that  I  had  very  little  trouble 
24 


in  getting  matters  adjusted,  and  on  January  2, 
1778,  I  received  my  instructions.  I  received 
also  £1200  for  the  use  of  the  expedition  and 
an  order  on  the  authorities  at  Pittsburgh  for 
boats,  ammunition,  etc.  Finding  from  the 
Governor's  conversation  with  me  upon  the  sub- 
ject that  he  did  not  wish  an  implicit  attention 
to  his  instructions  should  prevent  my  doing 
anything  that  would  manifestly  tend  to  the  pub- 
lic advantage,  I  set  out  on  January  4,  clothed 
with  all  the  authority  I  could  wish.  I  advanced 
£150  to  Major  William  B.  Smith15  to  recruit  a 
force  of  men  on  Holston  and  meet  me  in  Ken- 
tucky. Captain  Leonard  Helm16  of  Fauquier 

15  William  Bailey  Smith,  a  native  of  Virginia,  who 
early  migrated  to  North  Carolina,  where  he  associated 
with  the  Hendersons  and  other  prominent  men  of  the 
time.     In  1775  he  attended  the  treaty  at  Watauga 
whereby  Henderson  secured  his  Kentucky  claim  from 
the  Cherokee,  and  he  went  out  to  Boonesborough 
that  summer.    In  1777  he  went  back  to  the  settlements 
and  brought  out  a  force  of  men  for  the  relief  of  Ken- 
tucky.   He  largely  failed  in  his  recruiting  efforts  for 
which  Clark  commissioned  him.     Of  the  one  small 
company  he  eventually  forwarded  to  Clark,  a  portion 
deserted  on  learning  the  destination  of  the  expedition. 
Smith  later  returned  to  North  Carolina  where  he  was 
commissioned  to  extend  the  boundary  line  between 
modern  Tennessee  and  Kentucky.    For  this  service 
he  received  a  tract  on  Green  River,  where  he  settled 
in  1794  and  died  in  1818. 

16  Leonard  Helm  had  served  with  Clark  in  Lord 
Dunmore's  War  of  1774.     He  was  one  of  Clark's 
captains  in  the  Illinois  expedition,  and  the  command- 
er relied  more  upon  him,  perhaps,  than  any  other 
member  of  his  force. 

25 


Conquest  of 


and  Captain  Bowman  of  Frederick  were  each 
to  raise  a  company  and  arrive  on  February  I 
at  Redstone  old  fort.17 

Being  now  in  the  country  where  all  my  arrange- 
ments were  to  be  made,  I  appointed  Captain 
William  Harrod18  and  many  other  officers  to  the 
recruiting  service  and  contracted  for  flour  and 
other  necessary  stores.  General  Hand, 19  who 

17  This  was  at  the  mouth  of  Redstone  Creek,  where 
the  Ohio  Company  had  built  a  storehouse  as  early  as 
1752.  In  1754  the  English  defenses  here  were  burned 
by  the  French,  but  after  the  capture  of  Fort  Duquesne 
by  the  English  in  1758,  an  officer  was  sent  to  rees- 
tablish a  fort  at  this  point.  It  was  abandoned  during 
Pontiac's  War,  but  appears  to  have  been  garrisoned 
at  the  time  of  Lord  Dunmore's  War  in  1774,  and  was 
now  made  the  rendezvous  for  Clark's  forces.  In  1785 
the  town  of  Brownsville  was  incorporated  here,  and 
this  remained  for  many  years  an  important  starting 
point  for  western  emigration. 

18This  was  the  elder  brother  of  James  Harrod,  the 
founder  of  Harrodsburg.  William  was  with  his 
brother  at  this  place  in  1775,  but  western  Pennsylva- 
nia continued  to  be  his  permanent  home.  He  raised 
a  company  under  the  appointment  from  Clark  here 
noted  and,  joining  his  commander  at  the  Falls  of 
Ohio,  served  efficiently  throughout  the  Illinois  cam- 
paign. The  next  year  he  brought  a  company  from  the 
Falls  of  Ohio  to  take  part  in  Colonel  Bowman's  cam- 
paign into  the  Miami  country  in  1779.  He  died  in  1801 . 

19  Edward  Hand  was  born  in  Ireland  on  the  last  day 
of  the  year  1744.  He  studied  medicine  and  in  1767 
became  surgeon's  mate  in  the  British  army,  his  regi- 
ment being  sent  to  America  that  same  summer.  It 
was  at  once  ordered  to  Fort  Pitt,  where  Hand  served 
until  1774;  then,  the  regiment  being  ordered  east,  he 
26 


then  commanded  at  Pittsburgh,  promised  a  sup- 
ply of  the  articles  for  which  I  had  orders.  I 
received  word  from  Captain  Helm  that  several 
gentlemen  in  his  section  were  endeavoring  to 
counteract  his  efforts  at  recruiting,  saying  no 
such  service  was  known  to  the  Assembly.  In 
consequence  he  had  to  send  to  the  Governor 
to  have  his  conduct  ratified.  I  also  encoun- 
tered opposition  to  our  enterprise  in  the  coun- 
try around  Pittsburgh,  where  the  people  were 
violently  divided  into  parties  over  the  territorial 
claims  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania.,  As  my 
real  instructions  were  kept  secret  and  only  an 
instrument  prepared  by  the  Governor  design- 
edly for  deception  and  directing  me  to  raise  men 
for  the  defense  of  Kentucky  was  made  public, 
many  men  of  both  parties  considered  it  injuri- 
ous to  the  public  interest  to  draw  off  men  at  so 
critical  a  moment  for  the  defense  of  a  few  de- 
tached inhabitants  that  had  better  be  removed. 
These  circumstances  caused  some  confusion 
in  the  business  of  recruiting.  On  March  29  I 

resigned  and  settled  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania.  At 
the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  he  enlisted  in  the 
colonial  army  and  soon  joined  Washington  before 
Boston,  serving  later  in  the  Long  Island  and  New 
Jersey  campaigns.  In  the  spring  of  1777  he  was  made 
brigadier-general  and  sent  to  the  West  as  command- 
er-in-chief.  Hampered  here  in  his  work,  he  asked  to 
be  recalled  early  the  following  year,  and  served  in  the 
East  until  the  close  of  the  war.  He  then  retired  to 
his  home  near  Lancaster  and  resumed  the  practice  of 
medicine.  He  died  September  3, 1802. 

27 


Conquest  of 


received  a  letter  from  Major  Smith  by  express 
informing  me  that  he  had  raised  four  compa- 
nies on  Holston  ready  to  march  immediately  to 
Kentucky  in  accordance  with  his  orders;  while 
an  express  from  Kentucky  brought  information 
that  they  had  been  much  strengthened  since  I 
left  there.  This  information  concerning  Smith's 
four  companies,  besides  those  of  Bowman  and 
Helm  which  I  knew  were  on  their  way  to  join 
me  at  Redstone,  made  me  feel  easier  on  the 
subject  of  recruits  than  I  otherwise  would  have 
been.  The  recruiting  officers  secured  only  such 
men  as  had  friends  in  Kentucky  or  were  induced 
by  a  desire  to  see  the  country. 

Meeting  with  several  disappointments,  it  was 
late  in  May  before  I  could  leave  Redstone  with 
three  companies  of  men  and  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  families  and  private  adventurers.  Taking 
in  my  stores  at  Pittsburgh  and  Wheeling,  I  pro- 
ceeded cautiously  down  the  Ohio.  At  the  mouth 
of  the  Great  Kanawha  Captain  Arbuckle,20 
the  commandant,  informed  us  that  250  In- 
dians had  warmly  attacked  his  post  the  day  be- 
fore and  wounded  a  few  of  his  men.  The 
Indians  had  then  directed  their  course  to  the 

20  Captain  Matthew  Arbuckle  was  one  of  the  best 
known  woodsmen  and  Indian  fighters  of  this  period. 
In  1765  he  had  explored  the  Kanawha  Valley  to  the 
Ohio,  the  first  white  man  to  pass  this  way  except  as 
a  captive  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  In  1776  he 
was  sent  to  command  Fort  Randolph  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Kanawha,  where  he  remained  for  the  three  ensuing 
years.  He  was  killed  in  1781  by  a  falling  tree. 
28 


settlements  of  Greenbrier  and  Captain  Arbuckle 
had  sent  off  an  express  to  warn  the  settlers. 
He  thought  the  forces  I  had,  with  the  addition 
of  a  part  of  a  garrison,  could  in  all  probability 
overtake  the  Indians  and  inflict  a  total  rout 
upon  them.  The  prospect  was  a  flattering  one ; 
but  the  uncertainty  of  obtaining  the  advantage 
over  the  enemy,  the  loss  of  time  and  perhaps 
a  number  of  the  men,  which  would  cause  the 
destruction  of  the  enterprise  upon  which  I  had 
embarked  —  these  considerations,  together  with 
the  practical  certainty  that  the  settlers  would 
receive  the  alarm  in  time  and  might  repel  the 
invaders  (which  they  in  fact  did),  induced  me 
to  decline  it. 

I  proceeded  on  my  way,  therefore,  being 
joined  by  Captain  James  O'Hara,21  who  was  on 
his  way  to  the  Arkansas  on  public  business. 
I  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kentucky  River. 

2'James  O'Hara  entered  the  Indian  trade  at  Pitts- 
burgh prior  to  1773.  He  enlisted  in  the  Ninth  Vir- 
ginia Regiment  during  the  Revolution,  being  employ- 
ed as  quartermaster.  In  the  Whiskey  Rebellion  of 
Washington's  administration  he  served  as  quarter- 
master-general of  the  army,  and  in  a  similar  capacity 
under  General  Wayne  in  1794.  In  1797  he  establish- 
ed at  Pittsburgh  the  first  glass  manufactory  west  of 
the  Alleghanies,  and  by  his  business  ability  did  much 
to  develop  the  town.  He  died  in  1819  leaving  a  large 
estate.  At  the  time  of  Clark's  journey  O'Hara  had 
been  sent  by  General  Hand  to  succor  Captain  Will- 
ing, who  had  gone  to  the  lower  Mississippi  country 
to  secure  the  neutrality  of  the  inhabitants  there  and 
bring  back  provisions  to  the  states .  Willing,  although 

29 


Conquest  of 


Here  I  had  intended  to  erect  a  fort,  since  the 
growth  of  Kentucky  largely  depended  upon  the 
establishment  of  a  post  on  the  Ohio  River  as 
a  place  of  security  for  emigrants  who  wished 
to  descend  the  river;  but  having  in  view  my 
designs  to  the  westward  I  perceived  the  mouth 
of  the  Kentucky  was  not  a  proper  place  to  for- 
tify unless  we  could  afford  to  maintain  two 
posts.  In  case  of  success  attending  my  enter- 
prise it  would  be  absolutely  necessary  to  have  a 
post  of  communication  on  the  river  between  the 
Illinois  country  and  Kentucky;  and  of  course 
the  Falls  of  Ohio22  was  the  more  eligible  spot  as 
it  would  answer  all  these  desirable  purposes 
and  would  also  protect  in  great  measure  the 
navigation  of  the  river,  since  as  every  vessel 
would  be  obliged  to  stop  some  time  at  this  place 
they  would  always  be  exposed  to  the  Indians. 

not  mentioned  by  Clark,  is  of  interest  to  our  story  in 
at  least  two  respects.  After  a  long  and  stormy  career 
in  the  far  Southwest,  he  sent  his  troops  up  the  Mis- 
sissippi, undei  charge  of  Lieutenant  Robert  George, 
who,  arriving  in  the  Illinois  country,  placed  them 
subject  to  the  orders  of  Clark.  Willing  himself  went 
to  Mobile  where  he  was  captured  by  the  British  and 
narrowly  escaped  being  hung.  After  a  long  imprison- 
ment, at  one  time  being  loaded  with  irons  in  New 
York  City  for  three  months,  Willing  was  released  on 
parole  and  finally  exchanged  for  Governor  Henry 
Hamilton,  who  since  his  capture  by  the  Americans 
had  undergone  ill  treatment  at  their  hands  fairly 
comparable  to  that  which  the  British  meted  out  to 
Willing. 

22  At  the  site  of  modern  Louisville. 
30 


I  had  learned  that  but  one  company  of  Major 
Smith's  troops,  that  of  Captain  Dillard,  had  as 
yet  arrived  in  Kentucky.  This  alarmed  me, 
as  I  feared  the  disappointment  would  prove 
fatal  to  our  enterprise.  I  wrote  a  letter  to 
Colonel  Bowman  telling  him  of  my  intention  to 
place  a  garrison  at  the  Falls,  and  that  I  had  an 
object  in  view  of  greatest  importance  to  the 
country.  I  urged  him  to  meet  me  there  with 
the  available  troops  recruited  by  Major  Smith 
and  what  militia  could  safely  be  spared  from 
the  different  posts. 

I  moved  on  the  Falls  and  inspected  the  sev- 
eral sites  available  for  fortifying;  but  reflecting 
that  my  secret  instructions  were  as  yet  unknown 
even  to  my  own  party,  and  not  knowing  what 
would  be  the  consequence  when  they  should 
be  divulged,  I  wished  to  have  everything  as 
secure  as  possible  when  we  should  be  joined  by 
the  entire  force.  I  observed  that  the  little  is- 
land of  about  seven  acres  opposite  the  present 
site  of  Louisville  was  seldom  or  never  entirely 
covered  by  water.  I  resolved  to  take  posses- 
sion and  fortify  it  which  I  did  on  the  of 
June,  dividing  the  island  among  the  families 
that  had  followed  me,  for  gardens.  These  fam- 
ilies I  now  found  to  be  a  real  asset,  as  they 
occasioned  but  little  expense  and  with  the  in- 
valids would  hold  this  little  post  until  we  should 
be  able  to  occupy  the  mainland.  This  last 
occurred  in  the  fall  agreeably  to  instructions 
I  sent  from  the  Illinois.  The  people  on  the 


€fte  Conquest  of 


Monongahela,  learning  of  this  post  by  messen- 
gers I  sent  to  them,  moved  down  the  river  in 
great  numbers.  This  was  one  of  the  chief 
causes  of  the  rapid  settlement  of  Kentucky. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Bowman  with 
part  of  the  militia  and  several  gentlemen  of 
this  section  of  country  we  found  on  examina- 
tion that  we  were  much  weaker  than  I  had  ex- 
pected to  be;  meanwhile  the  Indians  continued 
their  warfare  without  intermission  and  their 
numbers  increased  the  longer  they  continued, 
as  the  British  steadily  added  to  their  strength 
by  stirring  up  others  to  join  them.  Under  these 
circumstances  we  could  not  think  of  leaving 
the  posts  of  Kentucky  defenseless.  We  per- 
ceived that  it  was  better  to  run  a  great  risk 
with  one  party  than  to  divide  our  forces  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  hazard  the  loss  of  both. 
We  therefore  agreed  to  take  but  one  complete 
company  and  part  of  another  from  Kentucky, 
supposing  that  these  would  be  replaced  by 
troops  we  yet  expected  from  Major  Smith. 

Such  were  our  deliberations  after  I  had  made 
known  my  instructions.  Almost  every  gentle- 
man present  warmly  espoused  the  enterprise 
and  plainly  saw  the  utility  of  it,  and  supposed 
they  saw  the  salvation  of  Kentucky  almost  with- 
in their  reach,  but  they  sorely  repined  that  we 
were  not  strong  enough  to  put  it  beyond  all 
doubt.  The  soldiery  in  general  debated  on  the 
subject  but  determined  to  follow  their  officers. 
Some  were  alarmed  at  the  thought  of  being 
32 


taken  so  great  a  distance  into  the  enemy's 
country,  fearing  that  even  though  they  should 
be  successful  in  the  first  instance  they  might 
be  attacked  in  their  posts  without  the  possi- 
bility of  obtaining  succor  or  of  making  their 
retreat.  I  had  spies  continually  among  them, 
and  some  dissatisfaction  was  discovered  in  Cap- 
tain Dillard's  company.  The  boats  were  well 
secured,  therefore,  and  sentinels  were  placed 
where  it  was  thought  there  was  a  possibility  of 
the  men  wading  from  the  island.  My  design 
was  to  take  those  who  would  not  attempt  to 
desert  down  the  river  on  our  way,23  but  I  was 
outgeneraled  by  Lieutenant  ,  of  whom 

I  had  previously  conceived  a  very  tolerable 
opinion.  While  swimming  during  the  day,  they 
discovered  that  the  channel  opposite  their  camp 
might  be  waded,  and  a  little  before  daybreak 
he  and  the  greater  part  of  the  company  slipped 
down  the  bank  and  reached  the  opposite  shore 
before  they  were  discovered  by  the  sentinels. 

Vexed  at  the  idea  of  their  escape  in  this  man- 
ner, since  one  of  my  principal  motives  for  tak- 
ing my  station  on  the  island  was  to  prevent 
desertion,  and  intending  to  set  out  the  next 
day,  I  was  undetermined  for  a  few  moments 
what  to  do.  It  might  require  several  days  for 
a  party  to  overtake  the  deserters  and  having 
no  distrust  of  those  that  remained  the  example 
was  not  immediately  dangerous. 

23  The  precise  meaning  which  Clark  intended  to 
convey  by  this  statement  is  not  clear. 

33 


Conquest  of 


However  it  might  prove  so  hereafter,  and 
recalling  that  we  had  with  us  a  number  of  horses 
belonging  to  the  gentlemen  from  Harrodsburg, 
I  ordered  a  strong  party  to  pursue  them;  the 
foot  and  horse  were  to  relieve  each  other  regu- 
larly, and  they  were  to  put  to  death  every  man 
they  could  who  would  not  surrender.  They 
overhauled  the  deserters  in  about  twenty 
miles.  The  latter,  discovering  their  pursuers 
at  a  distance,  scattered  in  the  woods  and  only 
seven  or  eight  were  taken.  The  remainder 
made  their  way  to  different  posts;  many  who 
were  not  woodsmen  almost  perished.  The  poor 
lieutenant  and  the  few  that  remained  with  him, 
after  suffering  almost  all  that  could  be  felt 
from  hunger  and  fatigue,  arrived  at  Harrods- 
burg, where  the  settlers,  having  heard  of  his 
conduct,  would  not  for  some  time  suffer  him 
to  come  into  their  houses  nor  give  him  any- 
thing to  eat.  On  the  return  of  the  party  the 
soldiery  hung  and  burned  his  effigy. 

Every  preparation  was  now  made  for  our 
departure.  After  spending  a  day  of  amuse- 
ment we  parted  with  our  friends  from  Kentucky, 
they  to  return  to  the  defense  of  their  country 
and  we  in  search  of  new  adventures.  On  the 
twenty- fourth  of  June,  1778,  we  left  our  little 
island  and  running  about  a  mile  up  the  river  in 
order  to  gain  the  main  channel,  we  shot  the 
Falls  at  the  very  moment  the  sun  was  under 
a  great  eclipse,  which  caused  various  conjec- 
tures on  the  part  of  the  superstitious  among  us. 
34 


Knowing  that  spies  were  watching  the  river 
below  the  Illinois  towns,  I  had  planned  to  march 
part  of  the  way  by  land.  I  therefore  left  be- 
hind all  of  our  baggage  except  enough  to  equip 
the  men  after  the  Indian  fashion.  Our  entire 
force,  after  leaving  behind  those  who  were 
judged  unequal  to  the  expected  fatigues  of  the 
march,  consisted  of  but  four  companies,  under 
Captains  Montgomery,  Bowman,  Helm,  and 
Harrod.  My  force  being  so  much  smaller  than 
I  had  expected,  I  found  it  necessary  to  alter 
my  plan  of  operations.  As  Vincennes  was  a 
town  of  considerable  strength,  having  four  hun- 
dred militia,  besides  which  there  was  an  Indian 
town  adjoining  and  large  numbers  of  Indians 
always  in  the  neighborhood,  and  since  it  was 
more  important  than  any  other  from  the  view- 
point of  Indian  affairs,  I  had  thought  of  attack- 
ing it  first ;  but  I  now  found  myself  too  weak 
to  undertake  this,  and  accordingly  resolved  to 
begin  operations  against  the  Illinois  towns. 
Although  they  had  more  inhabitants  than  Vin- 
cennes they  were  scattered  in  different  villages. 
There  was  less  danger  of  our  being  immediately 
overpowered  by  the  Indians;  in  case  of  neces- 
sity, too,  we  could  probably  make  good  our 
retreat  to  the  Spanish  side  of  the  river,  while 
if  we  were  successful  here  the  way  might  be 
paved  for  us  to  take  possession  of  Vincennes. 

I  was  well  aware  of  the  fact  that  the  French 
inhabitants  of  these  western  settlements  had 
great  influence  over  the  Indians,  by  whom  they 
35 


€j)e  Conquest  of 


were  more  beloved  than  were  any  other  Euro- 
peans. I  knew  also  that  their  commercial  inter- 
course extended  throughout  the  entire  western 
and  northwestern  country,  while  the  governing 
interest  on  the  Great  Lakes  was  chiefly  in  the 
hands  of  the  English,  who  were  not  popular 
with  the  natives.  These  reflections,' along  with 
others  of  similar  import,  determined  me  to 
strengthen  myself,  if  possible,  by  adopting  such 
a  course  of  conduct  as  would  tend  to  attach 
the  whole  French  and  Indian  population  to  our 
interest,  and  give  us  influence  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  country  which  constituted  the  objective 
of  our  campaign.  Such  were  the  principles 
which  guided  my  further  conduct;  fortunately 
I  received  at  this  time  a  letter  from  Colonel 
Campbell24  at  Pittsburgh  informing  me  of  the 
contents  of  the  treaty  between  France  and 
America. 

"Colonel  John  Campbell  was  a  native  of  Ireland 
who  early  came  to  America  and  entered  upon  the 
Indian  trade.  In  1764  he  laid  out  a  town  on  the  site 
of  modern  Pittsburgh,  and  ten  years  later  purchased 
a  large  tract  of  land  at  the  Falls  of  Ohio.  He  acted 
as  commissary  at  Fort  Pitt  during  the  early  years  of 
the  Revolution.  In  the  summer  of  1779  he  was 
captured  at  the  defeat  of  Colonel  Rogers'  party 
on  the  Ohio  a  short  distance  above  Cincinnati. 
Campbell  was  carried  to  Quebec  and  there  held 
prisoner  until  almost  the  close  of  the  Revolution. 
In  1784  he  located  in  the  vicinity  of  Louisville. 
He  served  in  the  Virginia  legislature  from  Kentucky, 
in  the  Kentucky  constitutional  convention  of  1792, 
and  in  1798  was  speaker  of  the  state  senate.  He 
died  in  1799. 

36 


Intending  to  leave  the  Ohio  at  Fort  Mas- 
sac,25  three  leagues  below  the  mouth  of  the 
Tennessee,  I  landed  on  Barataria,  a  small  island 
in  the  mouth  of  that  river,  to  make  preparations 
for  our  march.  A  few  hours  after  our  arrival 
here,  one  John  Duff,  coming  down  the  river 
with  a  party  of  hunters,  was  brought  to  by  our 
boats.  They  were  originally  from  the  states, 
and  they  expressed  pleasure  in  the  adventure, 
their  surprise  having  been  owing  to  lack  of 
knowledge  who  we  were.  They  had  recently 
been  at  Kaskaskia  and  were  able  to  give  us  all 
the  information  we  desired.  They  told  us  that 
Governor  Abbott26  had  recently  left  Vincennes 
to  go  to  Detroit  on  business  of  importance. 

25  Fort  Massac  was  a  French  post  erected  in  1757 
on  the  north  side  of  the  Ohio,  eight  miles  below  Padu- 
cah,  Kentucky.    When  the  French  surrendered  Illi- 
nois to  the  British  the  latter  neglected  to  fortify  this 
point,  and  so  Clark  was  enabled  to  make  it  his  point 
of  entry  into  Illinois.    In  1794  General  Wayne  estab- 
lished a  fort  on  the  site  of  the  old  French  post,  and 
the  new  Fort  Massac  continued  for  many  years  a  post 
of  the  regular  army  in  the  Northwest. 

26  Edward  Abbott  was  a  British  artillery  officer  who 
came  into  the  Northwest  about  the  close  of  the  French 
regime  in  this  region.     In  the  spring  of  1777  he  was 
sent  to  Vincennes,  being  the  first  and  only  British 
governor  there.   He  built  Fort  Sackville,  which  Clark 
captured  from  Hamilton  in  the  winter  of  1779.    As 
here  noted,  Abbott  was  withdrawn  from  Vincennes  in 
February,  1778.     In  July  of  this  year  he  was  sent  to 
the  West  Indies,  and  therewith  ceased  to  figure  in  the 
history  of  the  Northwest. 

37 


Conquest  of 


Mr.  Rochblave27  was  commanding  at  Kaskas- 
kia.  The  militia  were  in  good  order,  spies  were 
watching  the  Mississippi,  and  all  hunters  were 
instructed  to  keep  close  watch  for  the  rebels. 
The  fort  was  kept  as  orderly  as  an  asylum, 
but  our  informants  thought  this  watchfulness 
was  due  more  to  a  fondness  for  parade  than 
to  any  expectation  of  a  visit  from  us.  Should 
they  receive  timely  notice  of  our  approach, 
the  hunters  thought,  they  would  give  us  a  warm 
reception,  since  they  had  been  taught  to  enter- 
tain horrible  ideas  of  the  barbarity  of  the  rebels, 
especially  so  of  the  Virginians.  If,  however, 
we  could  surprise  the  place,  they  had  no  doubt 
of  our  ability  to  master  it  at  pleasure. 

These  men  asked  to  be  permitted  to  join  our 
expedition,  and  offered  to  assist  the  guides  in 
conducting  our  party  across  the  country.  This 
offer  was  accepted  by  me  and  they  proved  a 

27  Philippe  Francois  Rastel,  sieur  de  Rochblave,  was 
a  native  of  France  who  served  for  a  time  in  the  army. 
Coming  to  New  France  about  the  year  1750,  he 
entered  the  colonial  army  and  was  employed  about 
Fort  Duquesne  and  in  the  Illinois  country.  At  the 
close  of  the  French  and  Indian  War  he  located  at 
Kaskaskiaand  here  married  in  1763.  Later  he  crossed 
the  Mississippi  into  Spanish  territory  and  was  at  Ste. 
Genevieve,  Missouri,  for  a  time.  In  1776,  when  the 
last  British  officer  withdrew  from  Kaskaskia,  Roch- 
blave was  left  in  command,  but  with  no  garrison  or 
other  support.  Clark  sent  him  a  prisoner  to  Vir- 
ginia. Here  he  evaded  his  parole  and  made  his  way 
to  the  British  army  in  New  York.  He  died  in  Lower 
Canada  in  1802. 

38 


valuable  acquisition,  all  the  more  so  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  I  had  had  no  intelligence  con- 
cerning the  French  posts  since  that  gained  from 
the  spies  I  had  sent  a  year  before.  No  part 
of  the  information  I  received  pleased  me  more 
than  that  concerning  the  inhabitants  believing 
us  to  be  more  savage  than  their  neighbors,  the 
Indians.  I  resolved  to  make  capital  of  this 
should  I  be  fortunate  enough  to  gain  control 
over  them,  since  I  considered  that  the  greater 
the  shock  I  could  give  them  in  the  beginning 
the  more  appreciative  would  they  be  later  of 
my  lenity,  and  the  more  valuable  as  friends. 
This  I  conceived  to  accord  with  human  nature 
as  I  had  observed  it  in  many  instances. 

All  things  being  ready,  we  descended  the  river 
to  a  little  gut  a  short  distance  above  Fort  Mas- 
sac,  where  we  concealed  our  boats  and  began 
our  march  in  a"  northwesterly  direction.  Noth- 
ing worthy  of  remark  occurred  in  this  portion 
of  our  route.  The  weather  was  favorable,  al- 
though in  some  places  both  water  and  game 
were  scarce,  which  entailed  some  suffering  both 
from  thirst  and  hunger.  On  the  third  day  John 
Saunders,  our  principal  guide,  appeared  to  be 
confused,  and  barring  some  other  explanation 
of  his  conduct,  we  perceived  that  he  was  totally 
lost.  I  asked  him  a  number  of  questions  and 
was  at  a  loss  to  determine  from  his  answers 
whether  his  confusion  was  due  to  the  know- 
ledge that  he  was  lost,  or  whether  he  was  pur- 
posely deceiving  us.  The  men  all  cried  out  that 
39 


Conquest  of 


he  was  a  traitor.  On  this  he  asked  to  be  per- 
mitted to  go  some  distance  into  a  plain  which 
was  in  full  view,  to  try  to  make  some  discovery 
concerning  the  route.  I  told  him  he  might  go, 
but  that  I  was  suspicious  of  his  conduct.  From 
his  first  engagement  he  had  claimed  to  know  the 
way  perfectly  but  now  things  looked  different. 
I  saw  from  the  nature  of  the  country  that  one 
who  had  once  become  acquainted  with  it  could 
not  forget  it  in  a  short  time.  I  told  him  a  few 
men  would  go  with  him  to  prevent  his  escape, 
and  if  he  did  not  conduct  us  to  the  hunter's 
road  he  had  frequently  described  as  leading 
into  Kaskaskia  from  the  east  I  would  have  him 
immediately  put  to  death.  This  I  should  have 
done,  but  after  searching  an  hour  or  two  he 
came  to  a  place  that  he  knew  perfectly,  and  we 
now  perceived  that  the  poor  fellow  had  been 
genuinely  bewildered. 

On  the  evening  of  July  fourth  we  arrived 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  town,  where  we  threw 
out  scouts  in  advance  and  lay  until  nearly  dark. 
We  then  resumed  our  march  and  took  posses- 
sion of  a  house  on  the  bank  of  the  Kaskaskia 
River,  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  above  the 
town,  occupied  by  a  large  family.  We  learned 
from  the  inmates  that  the  people  had  been  un- 
der arms  a  few  days  before  but  had  concluded 
the  alarm  to  be  groundless  and  at  present  all 
was  quiet,  and  that  there  was  a  large  number 
of  men  in  town,  although  the  Indians  were  for 
the  most  part  absent.  We  obtained  from  the 
40 


man  boats  enough  to  convey  us  across  the  river, 
where  I  formed  my  force  in  three  divisions. 
I  felt  confident  the  inhabitants  could  not  now 
obtain  knowledge  of  our  approach  in  time  to 
enable  them  to  make  any  resistance.  My  ob- 
ject was  now  to  get  possession  of  the  place  with 
as  little  confusion  as  possible,  but  to  have  it  if 
necessary  at  the  loss  of  the  whole  town.  I 
did  not  entirely  credit  the  information  given 
us  at  the  house,  as  the  man  seemed  to  contra- 
dict himself,  informing  us  among  other  things 
that  a  noise  we  heard  in  the  town  was  caused 
by  the  negroes  at  a  dance.  I  set  out  for  the 
fort  with  one  division,  ordering  the  other  two 
to  proceed  to  different  quarters  of  the  town. 
If  I  met  with  no  resistance,  at  a  certain  signal 
a  general  shout  was  to  be  given  and  a  certain 
part  of  the  town  was  to  be  seized  immediately, 
while  men  from  each  detachment  who  were 
able  to  talk  French  were  to  run  through  the 
streets  proclaiming  what  had  happened  and 
informing  the  townsmen  to  remain  in  their 
houses  on  pain  of  being  shot  down. 

These  arrangements  produced  the  desired 
effect,  and  within  a  very  short  time  we  were 
in  complete  possession  of  the  place,  with  every 
avenue  guarded  to  prevent  any  one  from  es- 
caping and  giving  the  alarm  to  the  other 
villages.  Various  orders  not  worth  mention- 
ing had  been  issued  for  the  guidance  of  the 
men  in  the  event  of  opposition.  Greater 
silence,  I  suppose,  never  reigned  among  the 


€f)e  Conquest  of 


inhabitants  of  a  town  than  in  Kaskaskia  at  this 
juncture;  not  a  person  was  to  be  seen  or  a 
word  to  be  heard  from  them  for  sometime. 
Meanwhile  our  troops  purposely  kept  up  the 
greatest  possible  noise  throughout  every  quarter 
of  the  town,  while  patrols  moved  around  it  con- 
tinually throughout  the  night,  as  it  was  a  capital 
object  to  intercept  any  message  that  might  be 
sent  out.  In  about  two  hours  all  the  inhab- 
itants were  disarmed,  and  informed  that  any- 
one who  should  be  taken  while  attempting  to 
escape  from  the  place  would  immediately  be 
put  to  death.  Mr.  Rochblave  was  secured, 
but  some  time  elapsed  before  he  could  be  got- 
ten out  of  his  room.  I  suppose  he  delayed  to 
tell  his  wife  what  disposition  to  make  of  his 
public  papers,  but  few  of  which  were  secured 
by  us.  Since  his  chamber  was  not  entered 
during  the  night,  she  had  ample  opportunity  to 
dispose  of  them,  but  how  she  did  it  we  could 
never  learn.  I  do  not  suppose  she  put  them 
in  her  trunks,  although  we  never  examined 
them.  From  the  idea  she  entertained  of  us 
she  must  have  expected  the  loss  even  of  her 
clothes. 

During  the  night  I  sent  for  several  individ- 
uals, from  whom  I  sought  to  procure  infor- 
mation, but  obtained  very  little  that  was  not 
already  known  to  us.  We  learned,  however,, 
that  the  conduct  of  several  of  the  inhabitants 
indicated  them  to  be  inclined  to  the  American 
cause;  that  a  large  number  of  Indians  were  in 
42 


the  neighborhood  of  Cahokia;  sixty  miles 
distant;  that  Mr.  Cerre,28  a  leading  merchant 
and  one  of  our  most  inveterate  enemies,  had 
left  Kaskaskia  with  a  large  quantity  of  furs  a 
few  days  before,  enroutetoMichilimackinacand 
thence  to  Quebec,  from  which  place  he  had 
lately  arrived  at  Kaskaskia;  and  that  he  was 
then  in  St.  Louis,  the  Spanish  capital,  but  his 
wife  and  family  were  still  in  town,  together 
with  a  considerable  quantity  of  goods  which 
would  be  useful  to  our  men. 

In  addition  to  Cerre,  information  was  given 
me  about  numerous  other  individuals.  I  at 
once  suspected  that  the  object  of  the  informers 
was  to  make  their  peace  with  me  at  the  expense 
of  their  neighbors,  and  my  situation  demanded 
of  me  too  much  caution  to  permit  giving  them 
much  satisfaction.  I  found  Cerre  to  be  one 
of  the  most  eminent  men  of  the  country,  with 
great  influence  over  the  people.  I  had  some 
suspicion  that  his  accusers  were  probably  in 
debt  to  him,  and  hence  desired  to  ruin  him. 
What  I  had  heard  led  me  to  feel  that  he  was 
an  object  of  importance  to  me,  since  he  might 

^Jean  Gabriel  Cerr6  was  the  most  prominent  mer- 
chant of  British  Illinois.  A  native  of  Canada,  he 
came  to  Kaskaskia  in  1755,  and  marrying  there,  made 
the  Illinois  country  his  future  home.  Clark  describes 
for  us  how  he  was  won  over  to  the  American  cause. 
In  1779  Cerre  removed  to  St.  Louis,  dying  there  in 
1800.  He  was  the  father-in-law  of  Auguste  Chouteau, 
one  of  the  founders  of  that  city,  and  famous  in  its 
early  annals. 

43 


Conquest  of 


be  wavering  in  his  opinion  respecting  the  merits 
of  the  war;  and  if  he  should  take  a  decisive 
stand  in  our  favor,  he  might  prove  a  valuable 
acquisition.  In  short,  his  enemies  led  me  to 
desire  much  to  see  him,  and  as  he  was  then 
out  of  my  power  I  had  no  doubt  I  could  bring 
this  about  by  means  of  his  family  who  were 
in  my  hands.  I  immediately  caused  a  guard 
to  be  stationed  at  his  house  and  his  stores  to 
be  sealed  along  with  all  the  others.  I  did  not 
doubt  that  when  he  should  hear  of  this  he 
would  be  extremely  anxious  for  an  interview. 
By  the  morning  of  the  fifth  Messrs.  Richard 
Winston29  and  Daniel  Murray,30  who  proved  to 
have  been  attached  to  the  American  cause,  had 
plenty  of  provisions  prepared.  After  the 
troops  had  regaled  themselves  they  were  with- 

29  Richard  Winston  was  a  Virginian  who  was  trad- 
ing in  the  western  country  at  the  close  of  the  French 
and  Indian  War.  He  soon  located  at  Kaskaskia, 
where  upon  the  advent  of  Clark  he  promptly  sided 
with  the  Americans  and  was  appointed  a  captain  by 
Clark.  The  following  year  he  was  made  sneriff  by 
John  Todd,  and  when  the  latter  left  the  Illinois  Win- 
ston became  deputy  lieutenant-governor.  He  had 
much  trouble  in  this  position,  and  his  devotion  to 
the  American  cause  brought  about  his  financial  ruin. 
He  died  in  poverty  in  1784,  after  having  spent  eight- 
een months  at  Richmond  vainly  prosecuting  his 
claims  before  the  Virginia  government. 

30Daniel  Murray,  like  Winston,  was  a  merchant  at 
Kaskaskia,  and  like  him  gave  the  Americans  import- 
ant help.  He  remained  in  Kaskaskia  during  the 
following  years  and  was  finally  shot  in  a  quarrel  over 
money  matters. 

44 


drawn  from  the  town  and  posted  in  extended 
position  on  its  border.  Every  man  had  been 
expressly  forbidden  to  hold  any  conversation 
with  the  inhabitants.  All  was  distrust;  their 
town  was  in  complete  possession  of  an  enemy 
of  whom  they  entertained  the  most  horrid 
conception,  and  they  were  unable  as  yet  to 
have  any  conversation  with  one  of  our  people. 
Even  those  I  talked  with  were  ordered  not  to 
speak  to  any  of  my  men.  After  some  time 
they  were  told  they  could  walk  freely  about  the 
town.  Finding  they  were  busily  engaged  in 
conversation,  I  had  a  few  of  the  principal  mil- 
itia officers  put  in  irons,  without  hinting  any 
reason  or  hearing  anything  they  had  to  say  in 
their  own  defense.  The  worst  was  now  an- 
ticipated by  all.  I  perceived  the  state  of  con- 
sternation the  inhabitants  were  in,  and  in 
imagination,  I  suppose,  felt  all  that  they  were 
experiencing  in  reality;  and  I  felt  perfectly 
disposed  to  act  as  arbiter  between  them  and 
my  duty. 

After  some  time  the  priest31  obtained  per- 
mission to  call  on  me,  and  came  accompanied 

31  This  was  Father  Pierre  Gibault,  a  native  of  Can- 
ada, who  came  out  to  Illinois  in  the  capacity  of  vicar- 
general  in  1768.  Locating  at  Kaskaskia,  his  parish 
included  all  the  French  settlements  of  the  Illinois 
country  and  the  Wabash.  He  threw  his  influence  on 
the  side  of  the  Americans  and  rendered  service  of 
great  importance  to  Clark  in  his  conquest  of  the 
country.  He  was  at  Cahokia  as  late  as  1791,  but 
later  withdrew  to  the  Spanish  side  of  the  river  and 
settled  at  New  Madrid. 

45 


Conquest  of 


by  five  or  six  elderly  gentlemen.  However 
great  the  shock  they  had  already  sustained  by 
reason  of  their  situation,  the  addition  when  they 
entered  the  room  where  I  was  sitting  with  my 
officers  was  obvious  and  great.  Having  left 
our  extra  clothing  at  the  Ohio  River,  we  were 
almost  naked;  torn  by  the  bushes  and  briers, 
we  presented  a  dirty  and  savage  aspect.  So 
shocked  were  they  that  some  time  elapsed  be- 
fore they  ventured  to  seat  themselves,  and  still 
more  before  they  would  speak.  At  length  we 
asked  them  what  they  wanted.  The  priest 
stated  (after  inquiring  which  of  us  was  the 
commander)  that  as  the  townsmen  expected  to 
be  separated,  never,  perhaps,  to  meet  again, 
they  had  commissioned  him  to  petition  for 
permission  to  spend  some  time  in  the  church 
taking  their  leave  of  each  other.  I  knew  that 
they  supposed  their  very  religion  to  be  obnox- 
ious to  us.  I  carelessly  told  him,  therefore, 
that  I  had  nothing  to  say  about  his  church  and 
he  might  go  there  if  he  pleased;  if  he  did,  he 
was  to  tell  the  people  not  to  leave  the  town. 
They  attempted  to  introduce  some  other  con- 
versation, but  were  told  that  we  were  not  at 
leisure;  and,  after  answering  a  few  questions, 
which  I  asked  with  a  view  to  discouraging  them 
from  again  coming  to  me  with  petitions,  as  they 
had  not  yet  come  to  the  state  of  mind  I  want- 
ed, they  went  away.  The  whole  populace  now 
seemed  to  assemble  in  the  church.  The  infants 
were  carried  along,  and  the  houses  were  left 
46 


for  the  most  part  without  a  person  in  them, 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  who  cared  little 
how  things  went  and  a  few  more  who  were  not 
so  much  alarmed  as  the  majority.  I  issued  an 
order  prohibiting  the  soldiers  from  entering  the 
houses. 

The  people  remained  some  time  in  the  church, 
and,  on  breaking  up,  the  priest  and  many  of  the 
principal  citizens  came  to  thank  me  for  the  in^ 
dulgence  shown  them,  and  to  beg  permission 
to  address  me  further  on  a  subject  dearer  to 
them  than  all  things  else.  They  stated  that 
their  present  situation  was  the  fate  of  war  and 
they  were  reconciled  to  the  loss  of  their  prop- 
erty; but  they  hoped  I  would  not  part  them 
from  their  families,  and  that  the  women  and 
children  might  keep  some  of  their  clothes  and 
a  small  quantity  of  provisions,  that  they  might 
support  themselves  by  their  industry.  Their 
entire  conduct  had  been  influenced  by  their 
commandants,  whom  they  had  felt  obliged  to 
obey,  and  they  were  not  much  acquainted  with 
the  American  war,  as  they  had  had  but  little 
opportunity  to  inform  themselves.  Many  of 
them,  however,  had  expressed  themselves  as 
strongly  in  favor  of  the  Americans  as  they  had 
dared.  In  short,  they  said  everything  that 
sensible  men  in  their  situation  could  be  expected 
to  advance,  and  their  sole  hope  seemed  to  be 
to  secure  some  lenity  for  their  women  and 
families,  supposing  their  property  would  ap- 
pease us.  I  felt  convinced  there  was  no  finesse 
47 


Conquest  of 


in  all  this,  but  that  they  really  expressed  their 
sentiments  and  the  height  of  their  expectations. 
This  was  the  point  to  which  I  had  wished  to 
bring  them.  I  now  asked  them  very  abruptly 
whether  they  thought  they  were  addressing 
savages.  I  told  them  that  from  the  tenor  of 
their  conversation  I  was  sure  they  did.  Did 
they  suppose  we  meant  to  strip  the  women  and 
children  or  take  the  bread  out  of  their  mouths  ? 
Or  that  we  would  condescend  to  make  war  on 
women  and  children  or  the  church  ?  I  informed 
them  it  was  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  innocent 
blood  by  the  Indians,  instigated  thereto  by  their 
commandants  and  enemies,  and  not  the  pros- 
pect of  plunder,  that  had  caused  us  to  visit 
them.  As  soon  as  this  object  was  attained 
we  would  be  perfectly  satisfied;  and  as  the 
king  of  France  had  joined  the  Americans  (this 
information  affected  them  very  visibly)  it  was 
probable  the  war  would  shortly  come  to  an  end. 
They  were  at  liberty  to  take  whichever  side 
they  pleased  without  danger  of  losing  their 
property  or  having  their  families  distressed. 
As  for  their  church,  all  religions  would  be  tol- 
erated in  America,  and  so  far  were  we  from 
meddling  with  it,  that  any  one  who  offered 
insult  to  it  would  be  punished  by  me.  To 
convince  them  we  were  not  savages  and  plun- 
derers, as  they  had  conceived  us  to  be,  they 
might  return  to  their  families  and  tell  them  to 
conduct  themselves  as  usual,  with  entire  free- 
dom and  without  any  apprehension  of  danger. 
48 


I  told  them  the  information  I  had  received 
since  my  arrival  so  fully  convinced  me  that  they 
had  been  influenced  by  false  information  given 
them  by  their  leaders  I  was  willing  to  forget 
all  that  had  passed.  Their  friends  who  were 
in  confinement  would  be  released  immediately 
and  the  guards  withdrawn  from  every  part  of 
the  town  except  the  house  of  Cerre,  and  I  only 
required  compliance  with  a  proclamation  which 
I  should  immediately  issue. 

Such  was  the  substance  of  my  reply  to  them. 
They  attempted  to  soften  my  idea  that  they 
had  supposed  us  to  be  a  set  of  savages  and 
plunderers,  or  that  they  had  supposed  the 
property  in  a  town  belonged  to  those  who  cap- 
tured it.  I  told  them  I  knew  they  had  been 
taught  to  believe  that  we  were  but  little  better 
than  barbarians,  but  that  we  would  say  no  more 
on  the  subject,  and  that  I  wished  them  to  go 
and  relieve  the  anxiety  of  the  townsmen.  Their 
feelings  may  more  easily  be  imagined  than  ex- 
pressed. They  retired  and  in  a  few  minutes 
the  scene  changed  from  an  extreme  state  of 
dejection  to  one  of  great  joy.  Bells  were  rung, 
the  church  was  crowded  with  people  returning 
thanks,  in  short,  every  appearance  of  extrav- 
agant joy  was  manifested. 

I  immediately  set  about  preparing  a  proc- 
lamation to  be  presented  to  them  before  they 
should  leave  the  church,  but  wishing  to  test 
the  people  further,  I  postponed  it  for  a  few 
days.  Feeling  confident  that  any  report  that 

49 


Conquest  of 


might  now  be  sent  out  to  the  surrounding 
country  would  be  favorable  to  us,  I  became 
more  careless  about  who  should  go  from  of 
come  into  the  town;  but  not  knowing  what 
might  yet  take  place,  I  was  uneasy  over 
Cahokia  and  was  determined  as  soon  as  possible 
to  make  a  lodgement  there  and  gain  the  place 
by  some  such  stratagem  as  I  had  already  em- 
ployed at  Kaskaskia. 

I  ordered  Major  Bowman  to  mount  his  com- 
pany and  part  of  another  on  horses  to  be  pro- 
cured from  the  town,  and  taking  with  him  a 
few  townsmen  to  inform  their  friends  of  what 
had  happened,  to  proceed  without  delay  to 
Cahokia  and  if  possible  gain  possession  of  the 
place  before  the  following  morning.  I  gave 
him  no  further  instructions  on  the  subject, 
leaving  him  free  to  exercise  his  own  judgment. 
He  gave  orders  for  collecting  the  horses,  where- 
upon a  number  of  gentlemen  came  to  inform 
me  that  they  were  aware  of  the  design.  They 
pointed  out  that  the  soldiers  were  much  fa- 
tigued, and  said  they  hoped  I  would  not  reject 
their  offer  to  execute  whatever  I  might  wish 
to  have  done  at  Cahokia.  The  people  there 
were  their  friends  and  relatives  and  would,  they 
thought,  follow  their  example.  At  least,  they 
hoped,  they  might  be  permitted  to  accompany 
the  detachment. 

Conceiving  that  it  might  be  good  policy  to 
show  them  that  we  put  confidence  in  them 
(which,  in  fact,  I  desired  for  obvious  reasons 
50 


to  do),  I  told  them  I  had  no  doubt  Major  Bow- 
man would  welcome  their  company  and  that 
as  many  as  chose  might  go.  Although  we 
were  too  weak  to  be  other  than  suspicious  and 
much  on  our  guard,  I  knew  we  had  sufficient 
security  for  their  good  behavior.  I  told  them 
that  if  they  went  at  all  they  ought  to  go 
equipped  for  war.  I  was  in  hopes  that  every- 
thing would  be  settled  amicably,  but  as  it  was 
the  first  time  they  had  ever  borne  arms  as  free- 
men it  might  be  well  to  equip  themselves  and 
see  how  they  felt,  especially  as  they  were  about 
to  put  their  friends  in  the  same  situation  as 
themselves. 

They  appeared  to  be  highly  pleased  at  this 
idea,  and  in  the  evening  the  Major  set  out  with 
a  force  but  little  inferior  to  the  one  with  which 
we  had  entered  the  country,  the  Frenchmen  . 
being  commanded  by  their  former  militia  offi- 
cers. These  new  friends  of  ours  were  so  elated 
over  the  thought  of  the  parade  they  were  to 
make  at  Cahokia  that  they  were  too  much  con- 
cerned about  equipping  themselves  to  appear 
to  the  best  advantage.  It  was  night  before 
the  party  moved  and  the  distance  being  twenty 
leagues,  it  was  late  in  the  morning  of  the  sixth 
before  they  reached  Cahokia.  Detaining  every 
person  they  met,  they  entered  the  outskirts  of 
the  town  before  they  were  discovered.  The 
townsmen  were  at  first  much  alarmed  by  this 
sudden  appearance  of  strangers  in  hostile  array 
and  being  ordered  even  by  their  friends  and  rel- 


Conquest  of 


atives  to  surrender  the  town.  As  the  confusion 
among  the  women  and  children  over  the  cry 
of  the  Big  Knives  being  in  town  proved 
greater  than  had  been  anticipated,  the  French- 
men immediately  informed  the  people  what  had 
happened  at  Kaskaskia.  Major  Bowman  told 
them  not  to  be  alarmed  ;  that  although  resist- 
ance was  out  of  the  question  he  would  convince 
them  that  he  would  prefer  their  friendship  to 
their  hostility.  He  was  authorized  to  inform 
them  that  they  were  at  liberty  to  become  free 
Americans  as  their  friends  at  Kaskaskia  had 
done.  Any  who  did  not  care  to  adopt  this 
course  were  free  to  leave  the  country  except 
such  as  had  been  engaged  in  inciting  the  In- 
dians to  war. 

Cries  of  liberty  and  freedom,  and  huzzahs 
for  the  Americans  rang  through  the  whole  town . 
The  gentlemen  from  Kaskaskia  dispersed  among 
their  friends  and  in  a  few  hours  all  was  ami- 
cably arranged,  and  Major  Bowman  snugly 
quartered  in  the  old  British  fort.  Some  in- 
dividuals said  the  town  had  been  given  up  too 
tamely,  but  little  attention  was  paid  to  them. 
A  considerable  number  of  Indians  who  were 
encamped  in  the  neighborhood  (Cahokia  was 
an  important  center  of  Indian  trade)  immedi- 
ately fled.  One  of  the  townsmen  who  was 
at  St.  Louis,  some  time  later  wrote  a  letter  to 
me  excusing  himself  for  not  paying  me  a  visit. 
By  July  8,  Major  Bowman  had  everything 
settled  agreeably  to  our  wishes.  All  of  the 
52 


inhabitants  cheerfully  took  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance, and  he  set  about  repairing  the  fort  and 
regulating  the  internal  police  of  the  place. 

The  neighboring  villages  followed  the  ex- 
ample set  by  Kaskaskia  and  Cahokia,  and  since 
we  made  no  strict  inquiry  concerning  those 
who  had  been  engaged  in  encouraging  the  In- 
dians to  war,  within  a  few  days  the  country 
appeared  to  be  in  a  state  of  perfect  harmony. 
Friendly  correspondence  which  was  at  once 
commenced  between  the  Spanish  officers  and 
ourselves  added  much  to  the  general  tranquil- 
lity and  happiness.  It  was  not  my  fortune  to 
enjoy  pleasures  of  this  kind.  I  found  myself 
embarked  on  an  enterprise  that  would  require 
close  attention  and  all  the  skill  of  which  I  was 
master  to  execute  that  service  for  my  country 
which  now  appeared  in  prospect,  with  honor  to 
it  and  with  credit  to  myself. 

Being  now  in  position  to  procure  all  the  in- 
formation I  desired,  I  was  astonished  at  per- 
ceiving the  pains  and  expense  the  British  had 
incurred  in  inciting  the  Indians.  They  had 
sent  emissaries  to  every  tribe  throughout  that 
vast  country,  even  bringing  the  denizens  of 
Lake  Superior  by  water  to  Detroit  and  there 
outfitting  them  for  war.  The  sound  of  war 
was  universal,  there  being  scarcely  a  nation 
among  them  but  what  had  declared  and  re- 
ceived the  bloody  belt  and  hatchet. 

Vincennes  I  found  to  be  a  place  of  infinite 
importance  for  us  to  gain.  This  was  now  my 
53 


Cfje  Conquest  of 


object,  but  realizing  that  all  the  force  we  had, 
joined  by  every  man  in  Kentucky,  would  not 
be  able  to  take  the  place,  I  resolved  on  other 
measures  than  those  of  arms.  I  determined 
to  send  no  message  to  the  Indians  for  the 
present,  but  wishing  an  interview  between  us 
to  be  arranged  through  the  agency  of  French 
gentlemen,  to  assume  the  appearance  of  care- 
lessness about  the  matter.  In  all  the  papers 
I  wrote  I  referred  to  myself  as  at  the  Falls  of 
the  Ohio,  in  order  that  it  might  appear  that 
the  troops  we  had  with  us  were  only  a  detach- 
ment from  that  place.  I  sought  to  spread  the 
impression  that  the  main  body  of  our  troops 
were  fortifying  that  point,  and  that  large  rein- 
forcements were  daily  expected,  on  the  arrival 
of  which  we  intended  to  continue  the  war. 
Every  man  we  had  was  instructed  to  talk  in 
this  strain.  Indeed,  from  many  hints  and  pre- 
tended information  of  mine,  before  I  left  that 
place  the  greater  part  of  them  believed  the 
most  of  this  to  be  true.  In  short,  as  I  had 
early  perceived,  an  excuse  for  our  marching 
into  the  Illinois  country  with  so  small  a  force 
was  really  necessary. 

I  inquired  particularly  into  the  manner  the 
people  had  been  governed  heretofore  and  found, 
much  to  my  satisfaction,  that  the  government 
had  generally  been  as  severe  as  though  under 
martial  law.  I  resolved  to  make  capital  of 
this,  and  took  every  step  in  my  power  to  cause 
the  people  to  appreciate  the  blessings  enjoyed 
54 


by  an  American  citizen.  This  enabled  me,  as 
I  soon  discovered,  to  support  by  their  own 
choice  almost  supreme  authority  over  them. 
I  caused  a  court  of  civil  judicature,  elected 
by  the  people,  to  be  established  at  Cahokia. 
Major  Bowman,  to  the  surprise  of  the  people, 
held  an  election  for  a  magistracy,  and  was 
himself  elected  judge  of  the  court.  His  policy 
in  holding  an  election  can  easily  be  perceived. 
After  this  similar  courts  were  established  at 
Kaskaskia  and  Vincennes.  There  was  an  ap- 
peal to  myself  in  certain  classes  of  cases,  and 
I  believe  no  people  ever  had  their  business  done 
more  to  their  satisfaction  than  these  had  for  a 
considerable  time  by  means  of  this  regulation. 
At  the  time  of  Major  Bowman's  arrival  at 
Cahokia,  Mr.  Cerre,  whom  I  have  already 
mentioned,  was  still  in  St.  Louis  preparing  to 
prosecute  his  journey  to  Canada.  He  was 
deterred  from  this  in  consequence  of  the  news 
of  our  arrival.  Agreeably  to  my  expectation, 
upon  learning  the  situation  of  affairs  he  re- 
solved to  return,  but  hearing  that  there  was  a 
guard  kept  at  his  house  alone,  and  that  several 
persons  had  attempted  to  ruin  him  with  their 
information  to  me,  he  was  advised  not  to  cross 
the  river  without  a  safe-conduct.  He  applied 
to  the  Spanish  governor  for  a  letter  requesting 
this,  and  coming  to  Ste.  Genevieve,  across 
the  river  from  Kaskaskia,  procured  another  of 
the  same  tenor  from  the  commandant  of  that 
post  and  sent  them  both  to  me.  However,  all 
55 


Conquest  of 


of  the  intercession  he  could  arouse  through 
the  channel  of  Spanish  officers  and  the  solici- 
tation of  his  particular  friends,  whom  I  found 
to  constitute  a  great  majority  of  the  people, 
could  not  procure  him  a  safe-conduct.  I  ab- 
solutely refused  it,  and  intimated  that  I  wished 
to  hear  no  more  on  the  subject;  nor  would  I 
hear  any  person  who  had  anything  to  say  in 
vindication  of  him.  I  told  them  I  understood 
Mr.  Cerre  to  be  a  sensible  man.  If  he  were 
innocent  of  the  allegations  against  him  he 
would  not  be  afraid  to  surrender  himself.  I 
added  that  his  backwardness  seemed  to  prove 
his  guilt,  and  I  felt  very  little  concern  about 
him. 

I  suppose  rumor  immediately  carried  this 
information  to  him,  for  in  a  few  hours  he 
crossed  over  the  river  and,  without  stopping 
to  visit  his  family,  presented  himself  before 
me.  I  told  him  that  I  supposed  he  was  aware 
of  the  charges  preferred  against  him,  particu- 
larly that  of  inciting  the  Indians  to  murder,  a 
crime  that  ought  to  be  punished  by  all  people 
who  should  be  fortunate  enough  to  get  such 
culprits  into  their  power;  and  that  his  recent 
backwardness  about  surrendering  himself  con- 
vinced me  of  his  guilt.  He  replied  that  he 
was  merely  a  merchant,  that  he  never  concerned 
himself  about  affairs  of  state  further  than  the 
interest  of  his  trade  required,  and  that  he  had 
not  as  yet  enjoyed  opportunity  to  inform  him- 
self of  the  principles  involved  in  the  present 
56 


contest  sufficiently  to  enable  him  to  form  an 
opinion  about  it.  He  said  he  was  so  remote 
from  the  seat  of  war  that  he  was  doubtful  of 
having  heard  more  than  one  side  of  the  question. 
He  had  learned  more  within  the  last  few  days 
than  he  had  ever  known  before,  and  this  infor- 
mation had  only  confirmed  his  former  impres- 
sion. I  read  to  him  part  of  a  letter  from  Gover- 
nor Hamilton32  of  Detroit  to  Mr.  Rochblave, 
wherein  he  was  alluded  to  in  affectionate  terms. 
He  said  that  when  he  was  at  Detroit  he  behaved 
himself  as  became  a  subject,  but  he  defied  any 
man  to  prove  that  he  had  ever  incited  the  In- 
dians to  war.  Many  people,  on  the  contrary, 
had  often  heard  him  express  his  disapproval 
of  the  cruelty  of  such  proceedings.  He  said 
there  were  several  people  in  town  who  were 

32  Lieutenant-Governor  Henry  Hamilton  of  Detroit, 
Clark's  antagonist  in  the  Northwest,  was  of  Irish 
birth  and  had  served  in  the  British  army  since  1754. 
He  was  appointed  lieutenant-governor  of  Detroit  in 
1775,  and  assumed  his  new  duties  in  November  of 
that  year.  In  the  autumn  of  1778  he  advanced  upon 
and  captured  Vincennes,  only  to  be  taken  in  turn, 
with  his  whole  garrison,  by  Clark.  Hamilton  was 
much  disliked  by  the  Americans  owing  to  their  belief 
that  he  was  active  in  stirring  up  Indian  scalping 
parties  against  them.  He  was  known  to  them  as  the 
"hair  buying  general."  Clark  sent  him  a  prisoner 
to  Virginia  where  he  was  closely  confined  and  en- 
dured great  hardship.  On  being  exchanged  in  1780 
he  visited  England,  returning  to  Canada  as  lieuten- 
ant-governor in  1782.  He  later  served  as  governor 
of  the  Bermudas  and  of  Dominica,  dying  at  the 
latter  place  in  1796. 

57 


Conquest  of 


deeply  indebted  to  him,  and  it  might  be  the 
object  of  some  of  them  to  extricate  themselves 
from  their  debts  by  ruining  him.  In  his  pres- 
ent situation  it  would  be  inconsistent  for  him 
to  offer  to  declare  his  sentiments;  but  with 
respect  to  his  part  in  the  war  he  welcomed 
every  investigation,  as  he  had  ever  detested 
inciting  the  Indians.  He  sought  to  excuse  his 
fears  about  coming  across  the  Mississippi  as 
soon  as  he  could  have  wished. 

Without  making  any  further  reply,  I  told 
him  to  withdraw  into  another  room.  The 
whole  town  was  anxious  to  know  his  fate.  I 
sent  for  his  accusers,  who  were  followed  by 
a  large  number  of  townsmen,  and  had  Mr. 
Cerre  called  in.  I  perceived  plainly  the  con- 
fusion into  which  they  were  thrown  by  his 
appearance.  I  stated  the  case  to  the  whole 
assembly,  telling  them  that  I  never  condemned 
a  man  unheard.  I  said  that  Cerre  was  now 
present  and  I  was  ready  to  do  justice  to  the 
world  in  general  by  punishing  him  if  he  were 
found  guilty  of  inciting  to  murder,  or  by  ac- 
quitting him  if he  proved  innocent  of  the charge. 
I  closed  by  desiring  them  to  submit  their  in- 
formation. 

Cerre"  undertook  to  speak  to  them  but  was 
ordered  to  desist.  His  accusers  began  to  whis- 
per among  themselves  and  to  retire  for  private 
conversation.  At  length  only  one  out  of  six 
or  seven  was  left  in  the  room,  and  I  asked  him 
what  he  had  to  say  to  the  point  in  question. 
58 


In  short,  I  found  that  none  of  them  had  any- 
thing to  say.  I  gave  them  a  suitable  reprimand 
and  after  some  general  conversation  informed 
Mr.  Cerre  that  I  was  happy  to  find  he  had  so 
honorably  acquitted  himself  of  so  black  a  charge. 
I  told  him  he  was  now  at  liberty  to  dispose  of 
himself  and  property  as  he  pleased.  If  he  chose 
to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  it 
would  give  us  pleasure.  If  he  did  not,  he  was 
at  full  liberty  to  do  as  he  wished.  He  made 
many  acknowledgments  and  concluded  by  say- 
ing that  many  doubts  he  had  entertained  were 
now  cleared  up  to  his  satisfaction,  and  that  he 
wished  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  immedi- 
ately. In  short,  he  became  a  most  valuable 
man  to  us.  Simple  as  this  transaction  may 
appear,  it  had  great  weight  with  the  people, 
and  was  of  infinite  service  to  us. 

Everything  in  this  section  now  wore  a  prom- 
ising appearance,  but  Vincennes  was  never 
absent  from  my  mind.  I  had  reason  to 
suspect  from  some  things  I  had  learned,  that 
Mr.  Gibault,  the  priest,  had  been  inclined  to 
the  American  interest  previous  to  our  arrival  in 
the  country.  I  had  no  doubt  of  his  fidelity  to 
us.  Knowing  he  had  great  influence  over  the 
people,  and  that  Vincennes  was  also  under  his 
jurisdiction,  I  sent  for  him  and  had  a  long  con- 
ference on  that  subject.  In  response  to  my 
questions  he  stated  that  he  did  not  think  it 
worth  my  while  to  cause  any  military  prepara- 
tion to  be  made  at  the  Falls  for  an  attack  on 
59 


£l)c  Conquest  of 


Vincennes  although  the  place  was  strong  and 
there  was  a  great  number  of  Indians  in  the 
neighborhood.  He  said  that  Governor  Abbott 
had  left  the  place  a  few  weeks  since  on  some 
errand  to  Detroit.  He  thought  that  when  the 
inhabitants  should  be  fully  informed  of  what 
had  happened  at  the  Illinois  and  the  present 
happiness  of  their  friends  there,  and  should  be 
fully  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  war, 
their  sentiments  concerning  it  would  undergo 
a  great  change.  He  was  certain  that  his  ap- 
pearance there  would  have  great  weight  even 
among  the  savages.  If  it  were  agreeable  to 
me,  he  would  take  this  matter  upon  himself, 
and  he  had  no  doubt  of  being  able  to  bring  the 
place  over  to  the  American  interest  without  my 
being  put  to  the  trouble  of  marching  troops 
against  it.  His  business  being  altogether  of 
a  spiritual  character,  he  desired  that  another 
person  might  be  charged  with  the  temporal 
part  of  the  embassy,  and  named  Dr.  Laffont33 

83  We  have  only  meager  knowledge  concerning 
Jean  Baptiste  Laffont,  who  proved  so  powerful  an 
aid  to  the  American  cause  at  this  juncture  in  Clark's 
affairs.  He  was  a  native  of  the  West  Indies,  whence 
he  removed  to  Florida  and  later  to  Kaskaskia,  where 
we  find  him  in  the  summer  of  1770.  He  was  still 
there  in  1782,  but  by  1787  had  removed  to  Vincennes. 
He  died  at  Ste.  Genevieve,  probably  about  the  year 
1799.  Prof.  Alvord  concludes  (Illinois  Historical  Col- 
lections V,  p.  XXV-XXXII)  that  Laffont  bore  the 
main  burden  of  the  mission  to  Vincennes,  in  which 
Father  Gibault  aided  with  his  influence,  but  for  which 
he  did  not  care  to  assume  the  responsibility. 
60 


as  his  associate,  but  he  agreed  that  he  would 
privately  direct  the  whole  undertaking. 

This  was  quite  in  line  with  what  I  had  been 
secretly  aiming  at  for  some  days.  The  plan 
was  immediately  settled  upon,  and  the  two 
doctors  with  their  intended  retinue,  among 
whom  I  placed  a  spy,  set  about  preparing  for 
their  journey.  On  July  14  they  set  out  with 
the  following  address,34  taking  with  them,  also, 
a  large  number  of  letters  from  their  friends  to 
the  inhabitants  at  Vincennes.  Dr.  Laffont's 
instructions  are  now  lost.  I  gave  Mr.  Gibault 
verbal  instructions  how  to  act  in  certain  con- 
tingencies. It  is  mentioned  here  that  Governor 
Abbott's  letters  to  Mr.  Rochblave  had  con- 
vinced us  that  the  inhabitants  were  warmly 
attached  to  the  American  cause.  This  was 
wholly  a  piece  of  policy  on  my  part.  No  such 
thing  had  been  said;  but  as  they  would  naturally 
suppose  that  Governor  Abbott 's  letters  to  Roch- 
blave had  fallen  into  our  hands,  we  knew  that 
if  they  were  led  to  suppose  he  had  written  in 
that  style  concerning  them  they  would  the  more 
cordially  verify  it.  Mr.  Gibault  had  been  led 
to  believe  this,  and  my  authorizing  them  to 
garrison  their  own  town  would  convince  them 
of  the  great  confidence  we  reposed  in  them. 
All  this  had  its  desired  effect.  Mr.  Gibault 
and  party  arrived  safely,  and  after  spending 
a  day  or  two  in  explaining  matters  to  the  people 
they  universally  acceded  to  the  proposal  (ex- 

84  Not  included  in  the  original  manuscript. 
61 


Cfte  Conquest  of 


cept  for  a  few  Europeans  who  had  been  left 
there  by  Mr.  Abbott  and  who  immediately  left 
the  country)  and  went  in  a  body  to  the  church, 
where  the  oath  of  allegiance  was  administered 
to  them  in  the  most  solemn  manner.  A  com- 
mander was  elected  and  the  fort  was  immedi- 
ately taken  possession  of  and  the  American 
flag  displayed,  to  the  great  astonishment  of  the 
Indians. 

Thus  everything  was  settled  beyond  our  most 
sanguine  hopes.  The  people  here  at  once  as- 
sumed a  new  attitude;  they  began  to  talk  in  a 
different  style  and  to  act  like  perfect  freemen. 
With  a  United  States  garrison  at  hand  their 
language  to  the  Indians  was  immediately  al- 
tered; they  informed  the  latter  that  their  old 
Father,  the  King  of  France,  had  come  to  life 
again,  and  that  he  had  joined  the  Big  Knives 
and  was  angry  at  them  for  fighting  for  the 
English.  They  advised  the  Indians  to  make 
peace  with  the  Americans  as  soon  as  possible; 
otherwise  they  might  expect  the  land  to  be 
deluged  with  blood.  Such  was  now  the  lan- 
guage the  natives  throughout  that  whole  region 
received  through  correspondence  from  their 
ancient  friends  of  the  Wabash  and  the  Illinois, 
and  throughout  all  those  tribes  they  began  to 
reflect  seriously  upon  it. 

About  the  first  of  August,  Mr.  Gibault  and 
party  returned  accompanied  by  several  gentle- 
men of  Vincennes,  bringing  the  joyful  news  of 
our  success  at  that  place.  His  mission  had 
62 


caused  me  great  anxiety,  for  without  the  pos- 
session of  Vincennes  all  of  our  plans  would 
have  been  blasted.  During  his  absence  I  was 
exceedingly  busy  regulating  matters  in  the 
Illinois  towns.  Our  troops  had  been  enlisted 
only  for  the  period  of  time  necessary  to  reduce 
these  posts.  I  was  now  at  a  loss  to  decide 
upon  my  future  course,  and  how  far  I  might 
venture  to  stretch  my  authority,  since,  as  it 
had  been  impossible  to  foresee  the  course  of 
events,  my  instructions  were  silent  on  many 
important  matters.  To  abandon  the  country 
and  all  the  prospects  open  to  us  in  the  Indian 
department  at  this  time  for  want  of  specific 
instructions  in  certain  respects  would,  I  thought, 
amount  to  a  reflection  on  the  government  as 
having  no  confidence  in  me.  I  resolved,  there- 
fore, to  assume  all  the  authority  necessary  to 
carry  out  my  designs. 

I  caused  the  greater  part  of  my  force  to  be 
reenlisted  in  a  new  military  organization,  and 
appointed  French  officers,  residents  of  the 
country,  to  enroll  a  company  of  young  French- 
men. I  established  a  garrison  at  Cahokia  com- 
manded by  Captain  Bowman,  and  another  at 
Kaskaskia  under  Captain  (formerly  Lieutenant) 
Williams.  Affairs  at  Vincennes  remained  in 
the  situation  I  have  already  described.  Colonel 
William  Linn35  who  had  accompanied  us  in' the 

35  Prior  to  this  Linn  had  performed  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  exploits  of  the  Revolution.  In  its  early  stage 
the  colonists  were  in  desperate  need  of  powder.  In 

63 


Conquest  of 


capacity  of  a  volunteer,  took  charge  of  a  party 
of  men  who  were  to  be  discharged  on  their 
arrival  at  the  Falls  and  I  sent  orders  for  the 
removal  of  that  post  to  the  mainland.  I  dis- 
patched Captain  John  Montgomery  with  letters 
to  the  seat  of  government  in  Virginia  and  to 
conduct  thither,  also,  Mr.  Rochblave. 

The  principles  of  this  gentleman  were  so 
fixed  and  so  violent  against  the  United  States 
that  it  was  quite  unsuitable  to  permit  him  to 
remain  in  the  Illinois.  His  wife  had  taken 

July,  1776,  Linn  and  Captain  George  Gibson  set  out 
from  Fort  Pitt  for  distant  New  Orleans  to  obtain,  if 
possible,  a  supply  of  powder  from  the  Spanish  com- 
mander there.  They  reached  New  Orleans  in  August 
and  succeeded  in  procuring  10,000  pounds  of  powder. 
Gibson  was  thrown  into  prison  by  the  Spanish,  as  a 
blind  to  lull  the  suspicions  of  the  British  consul, 
while  Linn  departed  up  river  with  the  powder. 
He  spent  the  winter  at  the  Spanish  post  on  the 
Arkansas,  renewing  his  slow  advance  in  the  spring. 
Meanwhile  Gibson,  released  from  prison,  made  his 
way  to  Virginia  carrying  news  of  the  issue  of  the 
enterprise,  and  the  authorities  there  hastened  to  send 
a  detachment  to  the  relief  of  Linn.  The  latter,  how- 
ever, was  beforehand  with  his  plans,  and  by  the  first 
of  May  landed  his  precious  cargo  at  Wheeling. 

Linn  was  a  native  of  New  Jersey  but  grew  up  in 
western  Maryland.  He  served  in  Forbes'  army 
which  captured  Fort  Duquesne  in  1758.  After  Clark's 
Kaskaskia  campaign  Linn  settled  a  station  near 
Louisville.  He  served  as  colonel  of  militia  in  the 
Indian  campaign  of  1780.  The  following  spring  he 
was  shot  and  killed  by  Indians  near  his  home.  He 
was  an  elder  brother  of  Benjamin  Linn,  whom  Clark 
sent  out  as  a  spy  to  Kaskaskia  in  1777. 
64 


away  all  her  furniture  and  other  property;  all 
but  a  few  of  her  slaves  were  detained  by  us  to 
be  sold  as  plunder  for  the  benefit  of  the  sol- 
diers. The  sale  did  not  take  place  for  some 
time,  as  the  officers  generally  wished  the  slaves 
to  be  returned  to  Mrs.  Rochblave,  and  were 
in  hopes  that  the  men  might  be  induced  to 
agree  to  this.  Many  of  them  were  men  of  sen- 
timent, and  the  credit  from  such  a  course  would 
be  considerable,  while  the  amount  of  money 
each  would  receive  would  be  small.  The  de- 
sired result  was  in  a  fair  way  to  take  place, 
when  some  of  the  officers  were  requested  to 
invite  Mr.  Rochblave  (I  had  confined  him  to 
his  room  in  order  to  protect  him  from  the  sol- 
diers, as  he  seemed  to  take  delight  in  insulting 
them  at  every  opportunity  and  I  was  afraid 
that  some  of  them  might  harm  him)  to  spend 
the  evening  at  a  certain  house  with  a  number 
of  his  acquaintances.  He  accepted  the  invita- 
tion, but  at  the  gathering  he  abused  them  in  a 
most  intolerable  manner,  calling  them  rebels 
and  other  similar  names.  They  immediately 
sent  him  off  to  the  guard  house,  and  dismissed 
all  further  thought  of  saving  his  slaves.  These 
were  sold  and  the  proceeds,  amounting  to  about 
1500  pounds,  were  divided  among  the  men. 

I  informed  the  Governor,  through  Colonel 
Montgomery,36  of  all  our  proceedings  and  pres- 

s6Colonel  Montgomery  was  a  native  and  a  prom- 
inent citizen  of  western  Virginia  who  came  to  Ken- 
tucky in  1778  as  one  of  Clark's  four  captains  in  his 

65 


€j)e  Conquest  of 


ent  prospects.  I  pointed  out  to  him  the  ne- 
cessity of  immediately  reinforcing  us,  and  of 
sending  some  person  to  serve  as  head  of  the 
civil  government,  referring  him  to  Captain 
Montgomery  for  full  particulars.  This  party 
being  dispatched,  I  turned  my  attention  once 
more  to  Vincennes,  and  saw  plainly  that  it  was 
necessary  to  have  an  American  officer  at  that 
post.  Captain  Leonard  Helm  appeared  quali- 
fied to  answer  my  purpose.  He  was  past  middle 
life,  and  was  well  acquainted  with  Indian  affairs. 
I  sent  him  to  take  command  of  that  post,  and 
also  appointed  him  agent  of  Indian  affairs  for 
the  department  of  the  Wabash.  I  expected 
to  receive  reinforcements  from  the  Governor 
by  autumn,  when  a  strong  garrison  should  be 
sent  to  him.  He  was  fully  acquainted  with 
my  ideas  and  the  plans  I  proposed  to  pursue, 
and  about  the  middle  of  August  set  out  to  as- 
sume the  duties  of  his  new  station. 

An  Indian  chief,  the  son  of  Tobacco,  a  Pian- 
keshaw  at  this  place,  lived  in  a  village  adjoining 
Vincennes.  This  man  was  called  by  the  Indians 
the  Grand  Door  to  the  Wabash,  as  the  great  Pon- 
tiac  had  been  to  the  St.  Joseph,  since  nothing  of 

Illinois  campaign.  When  Clark  retired  to  the  Falls 
of  Ohio  after  capturing  Kaskaskia  he  left  Montgom- 
ery in  command  of  the  Illinois  country.  At  the 
close  of  the  war  he  settled  in  Kentucky,  removing 
later  to  Tennessee,  where  he  founded  Clarksville  and 
named  it  in  honor  of  his  old  commander.  He  was 
killed  by  Indians  in  1794  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Cumberland  River. 

66 


importance  could  be  undertaken  by  the  league 
on  the  Wabash  without  his  consent.  Perceiving 
that  it  was  an  object  of  great  importance  to 
win  his  support,  I  had  sent  him  by  Mr.  Gi- 
bault  a  very  complimentary  message,  and  he 
had  returned  the  compliment.  I  now  sent  him 
a  message  by  Captain  Helm  calculated  to  influ- 
ence him  in  the  same  fashion  I  had  already 
done  the  townsmen.  I  also  sent  the  following 
speech  with  a  belt  of  wampum,  and  gave  Cap- 
tain Helm  directions  how  to  act,  both  if  he 
should  be  pacifically  inclined  and  in  the  con- 
trary event.  The  Captain  arrived  safely  at 
Vincennes,  and  was  received  with  acclamation 
by  the  people.  After  the  usual  ceremonies 
were  over,  he  sent  for  the  Grand  Door  and 
delivered  my  letter  to  him.  After  reading  it, 
the  chief  informed  the  Captain  that  he  was 
happy  to  see  him,  one  of  the  Big  Knife  chiefs, 
in  this  town.  He  admitted  that  he  had  joined 
with  the  English  against  the  Americans,  but  con- 
fessed that  he  had  always  thought  the  sky  looked 
gloomy.  As  the  contents  of  the  letter  were  a 
matter  of  great  moment,  he  could  not  return  an 
answer  to  it  immediately,  but  must  first  hold  a 
council  on  the  subject,  and  he  hoped  the  Captain 
would  be  patient.  In  short,  he  displayed  all  the 
courtly  dignity  he  was  master  of,  and  Captain 
Helm  followed  his  example.  Several  days 
elapsed  before  this  business  was  concluded. 

At   length  the  Captain  was  invited  to  the 
Indian  council,  where  he  was   informed    by 
67 


£l)c  oTonqucst  of 


Tobacco's  son  that  they  had  carefully  consid- 
ered the  case  in  hand,  and  the  nature  of  the 
war  between  the  English  and  ourselves  had 
been  explained  to  their  satisfaction.  He  had 
always  thought  that  he  was  in  the  dark  as  to 
the  truth  of  the  matter,  but  now  the  sky  was 
clear.  He  perceived  that  the  Big  Knife  was 
in  the  right,  and  observed  that  if  the  English 
should  conquer  us  they  would  perhaps  treat 
them  in  the  same  manner  they  intended  to 
serve  us.  In  short,  his  ideas  were  quite  changed, 
and  he  would  tell  all  the  Indians  of  the  Wabash 
to  bloody  the  land  no  more  for  the  English. 
At  this  he  sprang  up,  struck  his  breast,  called 
himself  a  man  and  a  warrior,  and  saying  that 
he  was  now  a  Big  Knife,  took  Captain  Helm 
by  the  hand.  His  example  was  followed  by 
all  present,  and  the  evening  was  spent  in  merri- 
ment. Thus  ended  this  important  negotiation, 
which  resulted  in  the  saving  of  much  blood. 
To  the  day  of  his  death  (which  happened  two 
years  later)  this  man  proved  a  zealous  friend. 
In  all  his  conduct  he  appeared  to  have  the 
American  interest  much  at  heart.  He  desired 
to  be  buried  near  the  Americans;  his  body  was 
therefore  conveyed  to  Cahokia  and  buried  with 
the  honors  of  war. 

Within  a  short  time  almost  all  the  tribes  on 
the  Wabash  as  far  up  as  Ouiatanon  came  to 
Vincennes  and  followed  the  example  of  their 
head  chief,  and  since  expresses  were  continu- 
ally passing  back  and  forth  between  Captain 
68 


€jje 


Helm  and  myself  while  these  treaties  were  be- 
ing arranged,  everything  was  settled  to  my 
entire  satisfaction  and  greatly  to  the  public 
advantage.  The  British  cause  lost  ground 
daily  in  this  section,  and  in  a  short  time  our 
influence  over  the  Indians  extended  to  the 
River  St.  Joseph  and  the  lower  end  of  Lake 
Michigan.  The  French  gentlemen  at  the  differ- 
ent posts  in  our  possession  engaged  themselves 
warmly  in  our  cause.  They  appeared  to  vie 
with  one  another,  by  means  of  their  correspon- 
dence and  their  trade  among  the  Indians,  in 
promoting  our  interest.  In  a  short  time  large 
numbers  of  Indians  belonging  to  tribes  inhab- 
iting the  Illinois  country,  came  to  Cahokia  to 
make  peace  with  us.  The  information  they 
obtained  from  the  Frenchmen  (whom  they  im- 
plicitly believed)  concerning  us  greatly  alarmed 
them,  and  we  were  visited  by  the  greater  part 
of  them  without  any  invitation  on  our  part. 
This  circumstance  gave  us  a  great  advantage 
in  that  we  could  use  with  the  greater  propriety 
such  language  as  suited  our  interest. 

The  treaties  we  made  during  the  three  or 
four  weeks  beginning  about  the  last  of  August 
were  negotiated  in  a  different  fashion,  probably, 
than  any  others  in  America  prior  to  that  time. 
I  had  always  been  convinced  that  our  general 
conduct  of  Indian  affairs  was  wrong.  Inviting 
them  to  treaties  was  considered  by  them  in  a 
different  manner  than  we  realized;  they  imputed 
it  to  fear  on  our  part,  and  the  giving  of  valu- 

69 


Conquest  of 


able  presents  confirmed  them  in  this  opinion. 
I  resolved,  therefore,  to  guard  against  this.  I 
took  great  pains  to  acquaint  myself  with  the 
French  and  Spanish  methods  of  treating  with 
the  Indians,  and  with  their  disposition  and 
manners  in  general.  Since  the  Indians  in  this 
section  had  not  been  spoiled  by  us  as  yet,  I 
made  up  my  mind  they  should  not  be.  I  was 
fully  prepared  for  the  business,  having  copies 
at  hand  of  the  British  treaties.  After  the  cere- 
monies commonly  employed  at  the  commence- 
ment of  Indian  treaties,  they,  as  the  petitioning 
party,  made  the  opening  speech.  They  laid 
the  entire  blame  for  their  taking  up  the  bloody 
hatchet  to  the  deception  of  the  English,  ac- 
knowledging their  error  and  making  many  pro- 
testations that  they  would  guard  in  future 
against  those  bad  birds  (alluding  to  the  British 
emissaries  sent  among  them)  flying  through 
the  land.  They  concluded  by  expressing  the 
hope  that  as  the  Great  Spirit  had  brought  us 
together  for  good,  as  He  is  good,  they  might 
be  received  as  our  friends,  and  that  peace 
might  take  the  place  of  the  bloody  belt,  at  the 
same  time  throwing  down  and  stamping  on  the 
implements  of  war  such  as  flags  and  red  belts 
of  wampum,  which  they  had  received  from  the 
British.  I  told  them  I  had  given  attention 
to  what  they  said,  and  that  I  would  give  them 
an  answer  the  next  day,  when  I  hoped  that  the 
hearts  and  ears  of  all  would  be  open  to  receive 
the  truth,  which  should  be  pure  without  decep- 
70 


tion.  I  recommended  that  they  keep  them- 
selves in  readiness  for  the  result  of  this  day, 
on  which  their  very  existence  as  nations  perhaps 
depended.  I  then  dismissed  them,  not  suffering 
any  of  our  people  to  shake  hands  with  them, 
as  peace  was  not  yet  concluded.  I  told  them 
it  was  time  enough  to  give  the  hand  when  the 
heart  could  be  given  also.  They  replied  that 
such  sentiments  were  those  of  men  who  had 
but  one  heart,  and  who  did  not  speak  with  a 
double  tongue. 

On  the  following  day  I  delivered  this  speech: 
Men  and  warriors,  pay  attention.  You  in- 
formed me  yesterday  that  the  Great  Spirit 
had  brought  us  together,  which  you  hoped  was 
good,  as  He  is  good.  I  also  have  the  same 
hope,  and  whatever  may  be  agreed  upon  by 
us  at  the  present  time,  whether  for  peace  or 
war,  I  expect  each  party  will  strictly  adhere 
to  and  henceforward  prove  ourselves  worthy 
of  the  attention  of  the  Great  Spirit.  I  am  a 
man  and  a  warrior,  not  a  councillor.  I  carry 
War  in  my  right  hand  and  in  my  left  Peace. 
I  was  sent  by  the  great  council  fire  of  the  Big 
Knives  and  their  friends  to  take  control  of  all 
the  towns  the  English  possess  in  this  country, 
and  to  remain  here  watching  the  conduct  of  the 
red  men.  I  was  sent  to  bloody  the  paths  of 
those  who  continue  the  effort  to  stop  the  course 
of  the  rivers,  but  to  clear  the  roads  that  lead  from 
us  to  those  who  wish  to  be  in  friendship  with  us, 
in  order  that  the  women  and  children  may  walk 


of 


in  them  without  anything  being  in  the  way 
to  strike  their  feet  against;  and  to  continue  to 
call  on  the  Great  Fire  for  warriors  enough  to 
darken  the  land  of  those  who  are  hostile  to  us, 
so  that  the  inhabitants  shall  hear  no  sound  in 
it  but  that  of  birds  that  live  on  blood.  I  know 
that  a  mist  is  yet  before  your  eyes;  I  will  dis- 
pel the  clouds  in  order  that  you  may  see  clearly 
the  cause  of  the  war  between  the  Big  Knives 
and  the  English,  that  you  may  judge  for  your- 
selves which  is  in  the  right.  Then  if  you  are 
men  and  warriors,  as  you  profess  to  be,  prove 
it  by  adhering  strictly  to  what  you  may  now 
declare,  without  deceiving  either  party,  and 
thus  proving  yourselves  to  be  only  old  women. 
The  Big  Knives  are  very  much  like  the  red 
men;  they  do  not  know  well  how  to  make 
blankets,  powder,  and  cloth;  they  buy  these 
things  from  the  English  (from  whom  they  for- 
merly descended)  and  live  chiefly  by  raising 
corn,  hunting,  and  trading,  as  you  and  your 
neighbors,  the  French  do.  But  the  Big  Knives 
were  daily  becoming  more  numerous,  like  the 
trees  in  the  woods,  so  that  the  land  became 
poor  and  the  hunting  scarce;  and  having  but 
little  to  trade  with,  the  women  began  to  cry  to 
see  their  children  naked,  and  tried  to  make 
clothes  for  themselves,  and  soon  gave  their 
husbands  blankets  of  their  own  making;  and 
the  men  learned  to  make  guns  and  powder, 
so  that  they  did  not  want  so  much  from  the 
English.  Then  the  English  became  angry  and 
72 


stationed  strong  garrisons  through  all  our  coun- 
try (as  you  see  they  have  done  among  you  on 
the  lakes  and  among  the  French)  and  would 
not  let  our  women  spin  nor  the  men  make 
powder,  nor  let  us  trade  with  anybody  else. 
They  said  we  must  buy  everything  from  them, 
and  since  we  had  become  saucy  they  would 
make  us  give  them  two  bucks  for  a  blanket 
that  we  used  to  get  for  one.  They  said  we 
must  do  as  they  pleased,  and  they  killed  some 
of  us  to  make  the  rest  afraid.  This  is  the 
truth  and  the  cause  of  the  war  between  us, 
which  did  not  begin  until  some  time  after  they 
had  treated  us  in  this  fashion.  Our  women 
and  children  were  cold  and  hungry,  and  con- 
tinued to  cry.  Our  young  men  were  lost,  and 
there  were  no  counsellors  to  set  them  in  the 
right  path.  The  whole  land  was  dark,  and 
the  old  men  hung  down  their  heads  for  shame, 
for  they  could  not  see  the  sun. 

Thus  there  was  mourning  for  many  years. 
At  last  the  Great  Spirit  took  pity  on  us  and 
kindled  a  great  council  fire  that  never  goes 
out,  at  a  place  called  Philadelphia.  He  stuck 
down  a  post  there  and  left  a  war  tomahawk 
by  it,  and  went  away.  The  sun  at  once  broke 
out,  and  the  sky  became  blue.  The  old  men 
held  up  their  heads,  and  assembled  at  the  fire. 
They  sharpened  the  hatchet  and  put  it  into 
the  hands  of  the  young  men,  and  told  them  to 
strike  the  English  as  long  as  they  could  find 
one  on  this  side  of  the  Great  Water.  The 
73 


Conquest  of 


young  men  immediately  struck  the  war  post 
and  blood  ensued.  Thus  the  war  began,  and 
the  English  were  driven  from  one  place  to 
another,  until  they  became  weak  and  hired  you 
red  men  to  fight  for  them,  and  help  them.  The 
Great  Spirit  became  angry  at  this,  and  caused 
your  Old  Father,  the  French  king,  and  other 
great  nations  to  join  the  Big  Knives  and  fight 
with  them  against  all  their  enemies,  so  that 
the  English  have  become  like  a  deer  in  the 
woods.  From  this  you  may  see  that  it  is  the 
Great  Spirit  that  caused  your  waters  to  be 
troubled,  because  you  fought  for  the  people  he 
was  angry  with,  and  if  your  women  and  chil- 
dren should  cry  you  must  blame  yourselves  for 
it,  and  not  the  Big  Knives. 

You  can  now  judge  who  is  in  the  right.  I 
have  already  told  you  who  I  am.  Here  is  a 
bloody  belt  and  a  white  one.  Take  whichever 
you  please.  Behave  like  men,  and  don't  let 
your  present  situation,  being  surrounded  by 
the  Big  Knives,  cause  you  to  take  up  the  one 
belt  with  your  hands  when  your  hearts  drink 
up  the  other.  If  you  take  the  bloody  path  you 
shall  go  from  this  town  in  safety  and  join  your 
friends,  the  English,  and  we  will  try  like  war- 
riors who  can  put  the  most  stumbling  blocks  in 
the  road  and  keep  our  clothes  perfumed  with 
blood  the  longest.  If  you  should  take  the  path 
of  peace  and  now  be  received  as  brothers  to  the 
Big  Knives  and  the  French,  and  should  here- 
after listen  to  bad  birds  that  will  be  flying 

74 


through  your  land,  you  will  no  longer  be  count- 
ed as  men  but  as  persons  with  two  tongues, 
who  ought  to  be  destroyed  without  listening  to 
what  you  say,  as  nobody  could  understand  you. 
Since  I  am  convinced  that  you  have  never 
heard  the  truth  before,  I  do  not  wish  you  to 
give  me  an  answer  before  you  have  had  time 
to  council  if  you  wish  to  do  this.  We  will  part 
this  evening  and  when  you  are  ready,  if  the 
Great  Spirit  will  bring  us  together  again,  let 
us  prove  ourselves  worthy  by  speaking  and 
thinking  with  but  one  heart  and  one  tongue. 

What  their  private  consultations  upon  this 
speech  were,  we  never  could  learn,  but  on  their 
return  the  next  day,  the  business  commenced 
with  more  than  usual  ceremony.  A  new  fire 
was  kindled,  all  the  gentlemen  of  the  town  were 
collected,  and  after  all  their  preparatory  cer- 
emonies were  through,  the  chief  who  was  to 
speak  advanced  to  the  table  where  I  sat,  with 
the  belt  of  peace  in  his  hand;  another  with  the 
sacred  pipe,  and  a  third  with  the  fire  to  kindle 
it.  The  pipe  was  first  presented  to  the  heavens 
then  to  the  earth,  and  completing  the  circle  it 
was  then  presented  to  all  the  spirits,  invoking 
them  to  witness  what  was  about  to  be  con- 
cluded, then  to  myself  and,  descending  in 
order,  to  every  person  present. 

The  speaker  then  addressed  himself  to  the 

Indians.     The  substance  of  his  talk  was  that 

they  ought  to  be  thankful  that  the  Great  Spirit 

had  taken  pity  on  them,  and  had  cleared  the 

75 


Conquest  of 


sky  and  opened  their  ears  and  hearts  so  that 
they  could  hear  and  receive  the  truth.  Ad- 
dressing himself  to  me,  he  said  they  had  paid 
great  attention  to  what  the  Great  Spirit  had  put 
into  my  heart  to  say  to  them.  They  believed 
that  it  was  all  true,  since  the  Big  Knives  did 
not  speak  like  any  other  people  they  had  ever 
heard.  They  now  saw  plainly  that  they  had 
been  deceived  by  the  English,  who  had  told 
them  lies  and  never  the  truth.  This,  some  of 
their  old  men  had  always  said,  and  now  they 
believed  it.  They  said  that  we  were  in  the 
right,  and  as  the  English  had  forts  in  their 
country,  they  might,  if  they  became  strong, 
want  to  serve  the  red  people  as  they  did  the 
Big  Knives;  and  that  they,  the  red  men,  ought 
to  help  us.  They  had  taken  up  the  belt  of 
peace  with  a  sincere  heart,  and  spurned  the 
other  away.  They  were  determined  to  hold  it 
fast,  and  would  have  no  doubt  of  our  friend- 
ship, as  they  saw  from  our  manner  of  speaking 
that  there  was  no  room  for  suspicion.  They 
would  call  in  all  their  warriors,  and  cast  the 
tomahawk  into  the  river  where  it  could  never 
be  found  again.  They  would  suffer  no  more 
emissaries  or  bad  birds  to  pass  through  their 
land  to  disquiet  their  women  and  children,  that 
they  might  always  be  cheerful  to  smooth  the 
roads  for  their  brothers  the  Big  Knives  when- 
ever they  should  come  to  see  them.  They  said 
they  would  send  word  to  all  their  friends,  let- 
ting them  know  what  had  been  done  and  the 
76 


Cfje 


good  talk  they  had  heard,  and  would  advise 
them  to  listen  to  it.  They  hoped  I  would  send 
men  among  them  to  see  for  myself  that  they 
were  men  and  that  they  adhered  strictly  to  all 
that  had  been  said  at  this  great  fire  which  the 
Great  Spirit  had  kindled  here  at  Cahokia  for 
the  good  of  all  who  would  listen  to  it. 

This  is  the  substance  of  their  answer  to  me. 
The  pipe  was  again  kindled  and  presented  to 
all  the  spirits  to  be  witnesses,  and  with  smok- 
ing and  shaking  of  hands  this  grand  piece  of 
business  was  concluded,  with  as  much  dignity 
and  importance  in  their  eyes,  I  suppose,  as  was 
the  treaty  between  France  and  America  in  ours. 
The  Indians  now  assumed  a  different  attitude. 
Close  harmony  reigned  without  any  appearance 
of  distrust  on  their  side,  but  we  were  not  quite 
so  complaisant.  I  had  resolved  never  to  do 
anything  that  should  have  the  appearance,  of 
courting  them,  and  I  generally  made  some  ex- 
cuse for  the  little  I  presented,  such  as,  having 
come  a  long  way  to  see  me,  they  had  expended 
their  ammunition,  worn  out  their  leggings,  or 
met  with  some  misfortune  or  other.  But  they 
were  genuinely  alarmed;  the  conclusion  of 
peace  satisfied  them,  and  they  parted  from  us 
with  every  appearance  of  perfect  satisfaction. 
I  consistently  made  it  a  point  to  keep  spies  out 
among  them,  and  was  pleased  to  find  that  the 
great  majority  of  those  who  treated  with  us  ad- 
hered strictly  to  their  agreement,  so  that  before 
long  we  could  send  a  single  soldier  through 
77 


Conquest  of 


any  part  of  the  Wabash  and  Illinois  country, 
for  in  the  course  of  this  fall  all  the  Indians  of 
these  regions  came  to  treat  with  us,  either  at 
Cahokia  or  Vincennes. 

It  is  not  worth  while  dwelling  on  the  par- 
ticulars of  every  treaty.  The  one  already 
mentioned  conveys  an  idea  of  the  plan  we 
adopted.  All  negotiations  were  carried  out  in 
accordance  with  the  same  principles,  always 
sticking  to  the  text,  but  varying  with  the  dif- 
ferent tribes  in  the  manner  of  delivery.  Some- 
times we  were  more  severe,  but  never  more 
lenient,  although  a  very  different  kind  of  lan- 
guage was  employed,  of  course,  toward  those 
with  whom  we  were  on  terms  of  friendship. 
Their  replies  were  nearly  the  same  throughout 
all  the  tribes,  and  a  boundary  between  the 
British  emissaries  and  our  own  appeared  now 
to  be  fixed  at  the  heads  of  the  waters  of  the 
Great  Lakes  and  those  of  the  Mississippi. 
Since  neither  party  cared  to  venture  too  far, 
some  of  the  tribes  became  divided  among  them- 
selves, part  siding  with  us,  and  part  with  the 
English.  So  sudden  a  change  in  our  favor 
'among  the  Indians  in  this  region  required  great 
attention  to  keep  the  flame  from  cooling  too 
soon,  as  the  appearance  of  a  reinforcement 
which  we  had  reason  to  expect  in  the  autumn 
would  renew  our  influence.  Every  method 
was  employed  to  convince  the  French  inhabi- 
tants that  their  interests  were  being  studied  by 
us.  Every  disagreeable  restriction  that  they 
78 


Cfje 


had  formerly  been  subject  to  was  done  away 
with,  and  business  with  the  commanding  offi- 
cers was  conducted  without  ceremony,  nor  was 
there  any  ceremony  about  the  courts,  which  held 
weekly  sessions.  These  things  and  many  other 
minor  ones  produced  a  good  effect;  through 
them  our  cause  was  considerably  promoted 
among  their  friends  on  the  lakes  and  many 
traders,  watching  their  opportunity,  came  over 
with  their  goods  and  settled  in  the  Illinois 
country  and  at  Vincennes.  This  had  a  good 
effect  upon  the  Indians.  The  friendly  corre- 
spondence between  the  Spaniards  and  ourselves 
was  also  much  to  our  advantage,  since  every- 
thing the  Indians  heard  from  them  was  favor- 
able to  us. 

The  behavior  of  two  young  men  at  the  time 
of  these  treaties  at  Cahokia  affected  me  deeply, 
and  the  relation  of  their  conduct  may  perhaps 
not  be  disagreeable  to  you.  A  party  known 
as  the  Meadow  Indians,  that  roved  about  among 
the  different  nations,  being  composed  of  strag- 
glers from  all  of  them,  were  informed  that  if 
they  would  contrive  to  make  me  prisoner,  they 
would  receive  a  great  reward.  With  this  de- 
sign they  came  down  to  Cahokia  as  others  had 
done,  pretending  to  treat  for  peace.  Pretend- 
ing some  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Brady,  they 
were  lodged  in  his  yard,  about  one  hundred  yards 
from  my  quarters  and  nearly  the  same  distance 
from  the  fort.  The  little  river  Cahokia,  which 
was  there  about  knee-deep,  fronted  the  house 

79 


Conquest  of 


on  the  opposite  side  of  the  street.  Having 
business  at  times  with  the  other  Indians,  they 
loitered  about,  listened  to  what  was  passing, 
and  became  pretty  well  acquainted  with  our 
people.  I  had  received  but  a  bad  report  of 
them,  and  took  but  little  apparent  notice  of 
them.  Observing  that  the  house  I  lodged  in 
was  very  quiet  by  night,  and  supposing  it  had 
but  few  guards,  they  formed  their  plan  in  the 
following  manner:  Some  of  them  were  to 
cross  the  river  and  fire  off  their  guns  opposite 
their  camping  quarters,  upon  which  they  were 
to  attempt  to  gain  the  protection  of  the  guard 
on  the  pretence  of  flying  from  hostile  Indians 
who  had  fired  on  them  from  across  the  river. 
If  they  succeeded,  they  were  to  butcher  the 
guard  and  carry  me  off. 

A  few  nights  after  their  arrival  they  made 
the  attempt,  about  one  o'clock.  Having  too 
many  things  to  think  about  to  sleep  much,  I 
happened  to  be  awake  at  the  time  the  alarm 
was  given.  They  were  immediately  at  the 
gate  when  the  sentinel  presented  his  piece. 
The  night  being  light,  they  saw  the  guard  pa- 
rading before  the  door  more  numerous  than 
they  had  expected,  and  taking  a  by-way  they 
returned  to  their  quarters.  The  whole  town 
was  now  under  arms.  The  guard  was  positive 
it  was  these  Indians,  and  they  were  immedi- 
ately examined.  They  said  that  their  enemies 
had  fired  on  them  across  the  creek ;  that  they 
wanted  to  get  under  the  protection  of  the  guard 
80 


but  were  not  permitted  to  do  so,  and  so  made 
the  best  of  their  way  back  to  defend  themselves. 
Some  of  the  French  gentlemen,  however,  being 
better  acquainted  with  them  than  the  rest  of 
us,  insisted  it  was  they  that  had  given  the  alarm ; 
and  sending  for  a  candle  discovered  that  the 
leggings  and  moccasins  of  those  who  had  cross- 
ed the  river  were  quite  wet  and  muddy.  They 
were  quite  confounded  at  this.  They  sought 
to  make  various  excuses,  but  their  design  was 
easily  seen  through,  and  they  were  not  suffered 
to  speak.  I  said  but  little  to  them,  and  as 
there  were  many  Indians  of  other  nations  in 
town,  to  convince  the  whole  of  the  strict  union 
between  the  French  and  ourselves,  I  told  them 
that  as  they  had  disturbed  the  town  the  people 
might  do  what  they  pleased  with  them,  and 
went  away,  whispering,  however,  that  the  chiefs 
should  be  sent  to  the  guardhouse  and  put  in 
irons,  which  was  immediately  done  by  the  in- 
habitants. In  this  situation  they  were  brought 
every  day  into  the  council,  but  not  sufferred  to 
speak.  When  I  had  finished  with  the  others 
I  had  their  irons  taken  off  and  told  them  their 
design  was  obvious  to  me,  as  a  bird  from  their 
country  had  whispered  in  my  ear;  that  every- 
one said  they  ought  to  die,  which  was  what  I 
had  intended  and  which  they  must  themselves 
see  they  deserved;  but  that  on  considering  the 
matter  and  the  meanness  of  the  attempt  to 
watch  and  catch  a  bear  asleep,  I  found  that 
you  were  only  old  women  and  too  mean  to  be 
81 


Conquest  of 


killed  by  a  Big  Knife.  But  as  you  ought  to 
be  punished  for  putting  on  breech-cloths  like 
men,  these  shall  be  taken  away  from  you,  and 
plenty  of  provisions  given  you  to  go  home,  as 
women  don't  know  how  to  hunt;  and  as  long 
at  you  stay  here  you  shall  be  treated  as  all 
squaws  ought  to  be. 

Without  taking  any  further  notice  of  them, 
I  proceeded  to  converse  indifferently  with 
others  present  on  various  trifling  subjects. 
They  appeared  to  be  much  agitated.  After 
some  time  they  rose  and  advanced  with  a  belt 
and  pipes  of  peace,  which  they  presented  to 
me  and  made  a  speech  which  I  would  not  suffer 
to  be  interpreted  to  me  at  that  time.  Laying 
my  sword  on  the  table,  I  broke  their  pipe  and 
told  them  that  the  Big  Knives  never  treated 
with  women,  and  for  them  to  sit  down  and  en- 
joy themselves  as  others  did  and  not  be  afraid. 
The  substance  of  their  speech  was  an  acknow- 
ledgment of  their  design,  which  they  excused 
by  saying  some  bad  men  from  Mackinac  had 
put  it  into  their  heads.  They  hoped  we  would 
take  pity  on  their  women  and  children,  and  as 
their  lives  had  been  spared  when  they  deserved 
to  lose  them,  they  were  in  hopes  that  peace 
would  be  granted  them  as  it  was  to  other 
tribes. 

Several  chiefs  of  other  tribes  present  spoke 

in  their  favor,  condemning  their  attempt.  They 

said  that  they  saw  the  Big  Knife  was  above 

little  things,  and  they  were  confident  I  would 

82 


take  pity  on  the  families  of  these  men  and 
grant  them  peace.  I  told  them  that  I  had 
never  made  war  upon  them.  If  the  Big  Knives 
came  across  such  people  in  the  woods,  they 
commonly  shot  them  down  as  they  did  wolves, 
to  prevent  their  eating  the  deer,  but  they  never 
talked  about  it.  The  conversation  on  the  sub- 
ject ceased,  and  for  some  time  these  fellows 
continued  busily  engaged  in  private  conversa- 
tion. At  length  two  young  men  advanced  to 
the  middle  of  the  floor,  sat  down,  and  flung 
their  blankets  over  their  heads.  At  first  I  did 
not  know  what  to  make  of  this  action;  however, 
two  of  the  chiefs  with  a  (peace)  pipe  stationed 
themselves  by  them,  and  delivered  speeches  in 
much  the  same  manner  as  they  had  previously 
done,  concluding  by  saying  they  offered  these 
two  young  men  as  an  atonement  for  their  guilt 
and  hoped  that  the  Big  Knives  would  be  rec- 
onciled by  this  sacrifice  of  their  people.  They 
again  offered  me  the  pipe,  which  I  refused,  tell- 
ing them,  but  in  a  milder  tone  than  I  had  previ- 
ously employed,  to  sit  down  and  that  I  would 
have  nothing  to  say  to  them.  It  appeared  that 
these  people  had  become  so  thoroughly  alarmed 
that  they  supposed  a  tomahawk  was  hanging 
over  the  head  of  every  one  of  their  nation. 
They  thought  nothing  would  save  them  but  to 
secure  peace  before  they  left  the  place;  and 
they  supposed  that  by  putting  to  death  these 
two  young  men,  or  keeping  them  as  slaves,  we 
would  become  reconciled  with  them. 

83 


Conquest  of 


The  young  men  retained  their  first  position, 
frequently  pushing  the  blanket  aside  as  if  im- 
patient to  know  their  fate.  I  had  no  expecta- 
tion of  this  business  ending  in  this  manner.  I 
had  intended  all  along  to  let  myself  be  finally 
persuaded  to  grant  peace  to  these  people,  but 
this  action  on  their  part  astonished  me.  I 
hardly  knew  whether  or  not  it  was  sincere, 
although  everything  indicated  that  it  was. 
Every  person  of  the  large  gathering  present  ap- 
peared anxious  to  know  what  would  be  done, 
and  a  general  silence  fell  upon  them  and  for 
some  time  all  were  in  a  state  of  suspense. 

You  may  easily  guess  my  feelings  on  this 
occasion  and  the  pleasure  with  which  I  regarded 
these  young  men.  I  had  read  of  some  such 
action  as  this,  but  had  never  known  whether  or 
not  to  credit  it.  Never  before  nor  since  have 
I  felt  so  capable  of  speaking.  I  ordered  the 
young  men  to  rise  and  uncover  themselves. 
Upon  this  there  was  a  very  visible  alteration  in 
their  countenances,  which,  however,  they  ap- 
peared to  try  to  conceal.  I  harangued  the 
whole  assembly  in  suitable  fashion  on  the  sub- 
ject, concluding  by  telling  them  I  was  happy 
to  find  there  were  men  among  all  nations,  as  we 
were  now  witnesses  to  the  fact  that  there  were 
at  least  two  among  these  people.  I  then  ad- 
dressed the  young  men,  praising  them  much 
and  concluding  by  saying  it  was  only  with  men 
such  as  they  as  chiefs  of  a  nation  that  I  cared 
to  treat;  and  that  through  them  the  Big 
84 


Knife  granted  peace  and  friendship  to  their 
people.  I  took  them  by  the  hand  as  my  broth- 
ers and  chiefs  of  their  nation  and  said  I  expect- 
ed all  present  to  acknowledge  them  as  such. 
I  presented  them  first  to  my  own  officers,  then 
to  the  French  and  Spanish  gentlemen  present, 
and  lastly  to  the  Indians,  all  of  whom  greeted 
them  as  chiefs.  I  concluded  the  business  by 
having  them  saluted  by  the  garrison.  I  wish 
I  had  a  copy  or  could  remember  all  that  was 
said  on  this  occasion,  but  you  may  easily  con- 
ceive what  was  said  from  the  character  of  the 
affair.  It  appeared  to  give  general  satisfaction, 
but  I  thought  the  old  chiefs  appeared  to  be 
much  cowed.  Our  new  nabobs  were  now 
treated  with  great  respect  on  all  occasions.  A 
council  was  called  in  order  to  do  some  business 
witlrthem,  and  great  ceremony  was  employed  in 
order  to  rivet  more  firmly  what  had  been  done. 
On  their  departure  I  gave  them  some  presents 
to  distribute  among  their  friends  at  home,  by 
whom  I  understood  they  were  acknowledged 
as  chiefs  and  held  in  great  esteem,  and  that  the 
Americans  were  much  spoken  of  among  them. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  overestimate  the 
consequences  which  would  have  ensued  had 
they  succeeded  in  their  plan.  However  badly 
it  may  appear,  to  have  been  devised,  it  was  the 
most  probable  one  open  to  them.  They  could 
not  have  attempted  to  carry  out  their  project 
in  town  in  the  daytime,  and  I  never  went  out 
of  it  without  too  strong  a  guard  for  them  to 
85 


Conquest  of 


overcome.  As  it  turned  out,  the  affair  proved 
a  fortunate  one  for  us.  It  gained  us  much 
credit  and  had  a  good  effect  upon  the  Indians 
in  the  quarter,  as  it  soon  became  a  subject  of 
general  conversation  among  them. 

I  now  turned  my  attention  to  Saguina,  Mr. 
Blackbird,  and  Nakewoin,  two  chiefs  of  the 
bands  of  Sauteur  and  Ottawa  tribes  bordering 
on  Lake  Michigan  and  the  river  St.  Joseph. 
Mr.  Blackbird  and  party  were  at  St.  Louis  at 
the  time  Major  Bowman  took  possession  of 
Cahokia.  Knowing  that  their  tribe  was  warm- 
ly engaged  in  the  war,  and  not  believing  the 
Spanish  protection  sufficient  to  secure  them 
against  the  revenge  of  the  Big  Knives  who 
were  so  near  at  hand,  although  the  governor 
assured  them  of  the  certainty  of  their  being 
kindly  received,  they  became  alarmed  and  push- 
ed off.  On  their  passage  up  the  Illinois  river 
these  chiefs  met  with  a  number  of  traders  who 
had  heard  what  had  taken  place  among  their 
friends  in  the  Illinois  and  had  already  begun  to 
alter  their  tone  toward  the  Indians,  persuading 
Blackbird  to  turn  back  and  call  upon  the  Big 
Knives,  saying  that  as  he  had  been  so  near 
them  and  did  not  go  to  see  them  they  would 
think  that  he  had  run  away  through  fear.  He 
excused  himself  by  saying  his  family  was  sick, 
but  that  he  would  go  in  the  spring  and  mean- 
time would  write  us  a  letter.  I  suppose  he 
thought  this  would  lead  us  to  believe  they  were 
our  friends,  and  I  have  no  doubt  but  that 
86 


their  sentiments  daily  changed  in  our  favor. 
I  made  strict  inquiry  about  Blackbird  and 
Nakewoin.  I  found  that  they  were  chiefs  of 
considerable  St.  Joseph's  river  bands  who  were 
then  at  war  with  us,  and  that  Blackbird  had 
great  influence  in  that  quarter.  Some  traders 
recently  arrived  at  the  Illinois  thought  he  really 
wanted  a  conference  with  us  but  held  back 
awaiting  an  invitation.  I  gave  a  man  who  sat- 
isfied my  purpose  $200  to  visit  Blackbird  at 
the  St.  Joseph  river  and  sent  him  a  full  answer 
to  his  letter,  inviting  him  to  come  to  Kaskaskia 
in  the  fall.  This  he  did  with  only  eight  at- 
tendants, aside  from  my  messenger,  Denoe. 
After  they  had  rested  and  refreshed  themselves, 
observing  some  of  the  usual  preparations  being 
made  for  an  Indian  council,  Blackbird  sent  word 
to  me  that  he  had  come  to  see  me  on  business 
of  consequence  to  both  our  nations,  and  wished 
that  we  should  not  spend  our  time  in  ceremony. 
He  said  it  was  customary  among  all  Indians 
but  it  was  not  necessary  between  us  and  that 
we  could  do  our  business  much  better  sitting 
at  a  table.  He  desired  to  have  a  long  talk  with 
me,  and  hoped  there  would  be  no  ceremony 
employed.  I  perceived  that  Mr.  Blackbird 
conducted  matters  differently  than  other  chiefs, 
and  that  he  assumed  the  airs  of  a  polite  gentle- 
man. Accordingly  a  room  was  prepared  and 
the  nabob  was  formally  introduced  to  me  by  a 
French  gentleman.  After  the  exchange  of  a 
few  compliments  he  took  a  seat  at  the  end  of 

87 


Cfje  Conquest  of 


the  table  opposite  me,  with  the  interpreters  at 
our  right  and  left,  and  the  gentlemen  seated 
round  the  room.  Blackbird  opened  the  dis- 
cussion and  attempted  to  speak  as  much  in  the 
European  fashion  as  possible.  He  said  that- 
he  had  long  desired  to  have  some  conversation 
with  the  chief  of  our  nation,  but  had  never  be- 
fore enjoyed  the  opportunity  to  do  so.  He 
had  conversed  with  prisoners,  but  he  placed 
little  confidence  in  what  they  said  as  they  were 
generally  afraid  to  talk.  He  said  he  had  been 
engaged  in  the  war  for  some  time,  but  had  al- 
ways doubted  the  propriety  of  it,  as  the  English 
and  the  Americans  appeared  to  be  the  same 
people.  He  was  sensible  that  there  was  some 
mystery  with  which  he  was  unacquainted.  He 
had  heard  only  one  side  of  the  story,  and  now 
wished  me  to  explain  it  fully  to  him  in  order 
that,  having  heard  both  sides,  he  might  be  in 
a  position  to  judge  for  himself. 

To  satisfy  this  inquisitive  Indian  I  was  oblig- 
ed to  begin  almost  at  the  first  settlement  of 
America  and  go  through  its  entire  history  to  the 
present  time,  dwelling  particularly  on  the  cause 
of  the  Revolution;  and  since  I  could  not  speak 
to  him  in  similes  as  I  did  to  other  Indians,  it 
took  me  nearly  half  a  day  to  satisfy  him.  He 
asked  a  large  number  of  very  pertinent  ques- 
tions and  required  to  be  satisfied  upon  every 
point.  I  was  the  better  able  to  satisfy  him  as 
I  was  now  pretty  well  acquainted  with  all  that 
the  British  officers  had  told  the  Indians. 
88 


Blackbird  appeared  to  be  quite  satisfied  and 
said  he  was  convinced  from  many  circumstances 
that  I  had  given  a  true  account  of  the  matter. 
He  had  long  suspected  from  the  conduct  of  the 
English  that  they  wished  to  keep  the  Indians 
in  the  dark  and  it  was  now  very  obvious  to 
him.  He  thought  the  Americans  were  quite 
right  and  that  they  ought  to  be  assisted  rather 
than  opposed.  He  was  happy  to  find  that 
their  old  friends,  the  French,  had  joined  us, 
and  said  the  Indians  ought  to  do  likewise,  but 
as  I  had  said  we  did  not  wish  this  they  ought 
at  least  to  remain  neutral.  He  said  he  would 
not  blame  us  if  we  drove  all  that  would  not  do 
so  off  the  face  of  the  earth.  It  was  plain  to 
him  that  the  English  were  afraid;  otherwise 
they  would  not  give  so  many  goods  to  the 
Indians  to  fight  for  them.  He  himself  was 
perfectly  satisfied  about  the  matter,  and  I  might 
rest  assured  that  his  sentiments  were  fixed  in 
our  favor  and  that  he  would  no  longer  pay  any 
attention  to  the  English.  He  said  that  he 
would  immediately  bring  the  war  to  an  end  as 
far  as  his  part  was  concerned.  As  many  of  their 
young  men  were  then  out  on  the  warpath,  how- 
ever, I  must  excuse  this,  but  as  soon  as  they 
returned  he  would  make  them  lay  down  their 
arms  and  no  one  whom  he  could  influence 
should  take  them  up  again.  Upon  his  return 
home  he  would  take  pains  to  tell  the  Indians 
of  every  denomination  what  had  passed  between 
us,  and  would  inform  them  of  the  true  cause 
89 


Conquest  of 


of  the  war.  He  felt  sure  that  most  of  them 
would  follow  his  example,  but  it  would  have  a 
good  effect  if  I  would  send  a  young  man  among 
them  under  his  protection  (which  I  did),  as  his 
appearance  would  give  great  weight  to  what 
he  himself  might  say  to  them.  He  hoped  that 
for  the  future  we  would  look  upon  each  other 
as  friends  and  that  a  correspondence  should  be 
kept  up  between  us. 

I  told  him  I  was  happy  to  find  that  our  busi- 
ness was  likely  to  end  so  much  to  our  mutual 
satisfaction,  and  to  the  advantage  and  tran- 
quility  of  our  respective  nations.  I  promised 
immediately  to  inform  the  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia of  what  had  passed  between  us,  and  said 
I  knew  it  would  give  all  the  American  people 
great  pleasure,  and  that  he  (Blackbird)  would 
be  regarded  among  their  friends.  After  spend- 
ing a  few  days  with  us  he  returned  home,  ac- 
companied by  a  young  man  who  went  as  my 
agent.  I  had  two  pack  horses  loaded  with 
necessary  supplies  for  Blackbird's  return  jour- 
ney and  sent  some  presents  to  his  family,  to 
the  amount,  perhaps,  of  $20  or  $30.  Thus 
ended  the  negotiation  between  this  chief  and 
myself,  and  as  I  had  frequent  opportunity  of 
hearing  from  him  in  the  course  of  the  fall  I 
found  that  he  adhered  strictly  to  what  he  had 
promised  me.  He  not  only  withdrew  his  own 
tribe  from  the  war,  but  caused  great  numbers 
of  Indians  in  that  quarter  to  become  very  cold 
towardjhe  British  interest. 
90 


I  thought  it  policy  in  the  course  of  all  my 
conversations  with  the  Indians  to  tell  them  I 
did  not  blame  them  for  accepting  the  presents 
that  the  British  chose  to  give  them,  but  that  it 
was  degrading  to  them  to  make  war  as  hire- 
lings. I  said  that  this  was  beneath  the  dignity 
of  a  warrior,  and  that  the  Big  Knives  regarded 
those  that  were  at  war  against  them  on  their 
own  account  with  more  respect  than  they  did 
the  hireling.  I  said  the  scalps  of  the  one  were 
kept  by  us  as  great  trophies,  while  those  of  the 
other  were  given  to  the  children  to  play  with 
or  thrown  to  the  dogs.  The  employment  of 
such  language  to  a  people  with  whom  we  ar- 
dently wished  to  be  at  peace  may  appear 
strange,  but  it  produced  a  good  effect  among 
people  of  their  education  and  was  perfectly 
consonant  with  our  policy. 

About  this  time  I  received  a  letter  from  a 
chief  named  Lajes  or  the  Big  Gate.  It  seems 
that  at  the  time  Pontiac  besieged  Detroit  this 
fellow,  then  a  lad,  had  shot  a  man  standing  at 
a  gate  and  immediately  the  name  of  Big  Gate 
was  given  to  him  as  a  mark  of  honor.  He 
had  early  engaged  in  the  British  interest,  and 
had  led  several  war  parties  against  our  frontiers 
with  good  success.  On  hearing  what  was  going 
on  in  the  Illinois  country,  he  fell  in  with  some 
Potawatomi  who  were  on  their  way  to  visit  us 
and  came  with  them  to  hear  what  we  had  to 
say  for  ourselves.  He  had  the  assurance  to 
make  his  appearance  before  me  in  a  complete 

91 


Conquest  of 


war  dress,  and  with  the  bloody  belt  he  had  re- 
ceived from  the  English  hanging  round  his 
neck.  He  attended  the  councils  for  several 
days,  always  placing  himself  at  the  front  of  the 
room  and  sitting  in  great  state,  without  saying 
a  word  to  us  or  we  to  him.  I  had  found  out 
what  I  wanted  to  know  about  him  and  had  fixed 
upon  my  course  of  action,  and  during  my  busi- 
ness with  the  other  Indians  I  had  employed 
several  speeches  designed  to  prepare  my  asso- 
ciates for  what  was  coming.  On  the  coaclu- 
sion  of  our  business  I  addressed  myself  to  him, 
telling  him  that  I  had  been  informed  who  he 
was  but  as  he  knew  public  business  must  be 
attended  to  before  private  ceremonies,  I  hoped 
he  would  excuse  my  not  having  spoken  to  him 
sooner.  I  said  it  was  customary  among  white 
people  that  when  officers  met  in  this  manner, 
even  though  they  were  enemies,  they  treated 
each  other  with  greater  respect  than  they  did 
common  people,  and  esteemed  each  other  the 
more  in  proportion  to  the  exploits  each  had 
performed  against  the  other's  nation.  As  he 
had  come  designedly  to  see  us  and  our  busi- 
ness was  now  over,  I  hoped  he  would  spend  a 
few  days  more  with  us  and  that  he  would  do 
us  the  pleasure  of  dining  with  the  Big  Knife 
that  evening. 

He  appeared  to  be  on  nettles  and,  rising, 

began  to  excuse  himself.     I  would  not  listen, 

but  ran  on  upon  the  same  theme.      I  would 

stop,  he  would  commence,  and  I  would  begin 

92 


again,  until  I  found  I  had  worked  him  up  to 
as  high  a  pitch  as  I  desired  and  then  permitted 
him  to  go  on.  He  stepped  to  the  middle  of 
the  room  and  removed  his  war  belt  and  a  small 
British  flag  from  his  bosom,  flung  them  on  the 
floor,  followed  by  all  of  his  clothing  except  his 
breech-cloth,  then,  striking  his  breast,  he  ad- 
dressed the  entire  audience,  telling  them  they 
knew  he  had  been  a  warrior  from  his  youth. 
He  said  he  delighted  in  war,  but  that  the  Eng- 
lish had  told  him  lies.  He  thought  from  what 
they  said  that  the  Big  Knives  were  in  the  wrong. 
He  had  been  to  war  against  them  three  times, 
and  was  ready  to  go  again,  but  concluded  he 
would  rest  himself  for  a  while  and  come  and 
see  what  sort  of  people  they  were,  and  hear 
how  they  talked.  He  had  listened  to  every- 
thing that  had  been  said  and  was  now 
convinced  that  the  English  were  wrong  and 
the  Big  Knives  right.  He  said  that  as  a  man 
and  warrior  he  would  not  fight  in  a  wrong 
cause;  that  he  had  flung  away  the  bloody 
clothes  the  English  had  given  him,  and  giving 
them  a  kick  across  the  room  he  struck  his 
breast  and,  saying  that  he  was  now  a  Big 
Knife,  came  and  shook  hands  with  me  and  the 
whole  company,  as  his  brothers.  A  great  deal 
of  merriment  ensued. 

The  whole  company  appeared  diverted,  and 
the  Big  Gate  being  a  merry  fellow  himself, 
kept  up  their  good  humor  by  speaking  to  them 
as  a  new  man  and  a  Big  Knife.  But  as  our 

93 


£hc  Conquest  of 


new  brother  was  now  naked,  it  was  necessary 
that  he  should  be  clothed.  The  things  he  had 
pulled  off  were  pushed  into  the  street  as  de- 
spised, by  one  of  the  servants,  and  Captain 
McCarty37  having  presented  him  with  a  suit 
covered  with  lace,  at  dinner  Captain  Big  Gate 
was  much  the  finest  man  at  the  table.  In 
order  to  appear  in  as  much  state  as  the  rest 
of  us,  he  had  ordered  one  of  his  men  to  wait 
on  him.  This  was  rather  awkward,  as  we  had 
suffered  none  of  the  Indians  to  dine  with  us 
except  chiefs  of  the  greatest  dignity.  Pains 
were  taken  to  prevent  any  jealousy  on  the  part 
of  those  in  town  who  were  of  as  high  rank  as 
Mr.  Lajes. 

After  dinner  was  over  he  told  me  he  wished 
to  have  some  private  conversation  with  me, 
and  pointed  to  a  room  that  had  a  large  window 
opening  into  a  back  street.  Being  always 
suspicious,  I  did  not  know  whether  my  new 
brother  intended  to  stab  me  and  make  his  es- 
cape through  the  window.  I  took  precautions 
against  this  without  his  knowing  it,  and  we 
were  shut  up  with  the  interpreter  nearly  half 

87  Captain  Richard  McCarty  was  a  trader  from 
Canada  who  had  located  at  Cahokia.  He  joined  the 
American  cause  and  was  made  commandant  here  in 
1779,  in  which  position  he  became  involved  in  conflict 
with  the  civil  authorities.  In  the  summer  of  1781  he 
was  killed  by  Indians  while  enroute  to  Virginia  to 
lay  before  the  authorities  a  complaint  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Kaskaskia  against  certain  of  the  American 
officials. 

94 


an  hour.  He  gave  me  a  history  of  himself  and 
a  full  account  of  the  situation  of  affairs  at 
Detroit.  He  said  he  could  do  almost  anything 
he  pleased  at  that  place.  If  I  desired  it  he 
would  go  and  bring  me  a  scalp  or  a  prisoner 
within  forty  days,  since  they  did  not  know 
what  had  happened  here  and  he  would  have 
the  opportunity  to  do  what  he  pleased.  I  told 
him  we  never  wanted  the  Indians  to  fight  for 
us.  All  we  wished  of  them  was  to  sit  still  and 
look  on.  Those  who  did  not  do  this  might 
expect  to  be  swallowed  up  as  they  would  see 
the  lakes  covered  with  boats  belonging  to  the 
Big  Knives.  I  desired  him  on  no  account  to 
kill  any  person  on  our  behalf.  I  told  him  I 
would  be  glad  to  have  him  bring  me  news  or 
a  prisoner  if  he  could  readily  obtain  one,  but 
by  no  means  to  injure  him,  as  it  was  beneath 
our  principles  to  treat  prisoners  ill. 

I  presented  him  with  a  medal  and  a  cap- 
tain's commission.  On  the  day  he  took  his 
departure,  with  many  Indians  accompanying 
him  he  came  to  take  his  leave  of  me  at  my 
quarters.  There  were  many  gentlemen  present 
and  they  saluted  him  by  firing  their  pistols 
through  the  window,  and  on  passing  in  front 
of  them  he  was  again  saluted.  This  elated 
him  greatly.  He  had  not  gone  far  before  he 
stopped,  and  saying  he  supposed  those  poor 
soldiers  were  hungry  for  a  dram,  he  ordered 
one  of  his  men  to  go  to  a  trader  with  whom 
he  was  acquainted  and  who  was  then  in  town, 

95 


Conquest  of 


and  get  a  little  keg  of  rum  and  give  it  to  them 
to  drink  his  health.  When  this  was  done  he 
went  away  by  water  up  the  Illinois  river.  Here 
he  fell  in  with  some  traders  of  his  acquaintance 
who  had  obtained  a  permit  at  Mackinac  to 
trade  in  this  section,  and  were  then  on  their 
way  to  us.  Lajes  asked  them  which  way  they 
were  going.  They  said  they  were  only  trading. 
He  then  asked  them  if  they  were  not  afraid  of 
the  Big  Knives  at  Cahokia.  They  said  they 
were  not.  He  then  inquired  whom  they  were 
for,  and  they  asked  him  what  he  meant  by 
this.  He  answered,  "Are  you  for  the  King 
of  England  or  the  Big  Knives?"  Knowing 
the  fellow's  character,  they  said  certainly  they 
were  for  the  King  of  England,  and  asked  if  he 
was  not  also  for  him.  He  said  no,  he  was  a 
captain  of  the  Big  Knives,  and  producing  his 
commission  told  them  they  were  enemies  to 
his  country  and  his  prisoners,  and  that  he  would 
return  them  to  his  superior  officer  at  Cahokia. 
The  men  became  alarmed,  not  knowing  what 
to  make  of  the  fellow,  but  they  found  he  was 
in  earnest  and  he  had  a  commission  under  my 
hand  and  seal.  They  then  told  him  they  were 
running  away  and  were  going  to  the  Big  Knives. 
He  said  they  were  liars  and  he  would  not  be- 
lieve them.  He  pestered  them  for  two  or 
three  days  until  a  party  came  along  whom  he 
knew  to  be  in  the  American  interest  and  became 
surety  that  they  would  deliver  themselves  up 
to  me,  and  had  a  letter,  which  he  dictated, 
96 


written  to  me.  He  warned  the  men  to  take 
care  of  themselves,  for  if  they  proved  deceitful 
and  fell  into  his  hands  again  he  would  treat 
them  ill.  This  was  a  curious  Indian  letter.  I 
can't  remember  the  particulars  of  it  further 
than  that  it  pertained  to  the  foregoing  matter. 
It  is  lost  with  all  the  papers  of  this  year  except 
a  few  that  I  have  by  chance  recovered. 

Captain  Big  Gate  proceeded  on  his  journey, 
and  as  long  as  I  knew  of  him  continued  to  be- 
have well,  speaking  much  of  his  new  dignities 
and  abusing  the  other  Indians  for  fighting  as 
hirelings,  and  so  forth.  Whether  or  not  he 
ever  afterward  joined  the  British  I  never  learned . 

By  this  time  we  had  done  business  with  al- 
most all  the  Indians  of  the  Wabash  and  the 
Illinois  as  far  up  as  the  Iowa  and  the  Sauk 
and  Reynards,  and  those  living  at  the  lower 
end  of  Lake  Michigan,  and  the  country  appeared 
at  this  time  to  be  in  a  state  of  perfect  tran- 
quility.  I  was  pleased  to  learn  that  our  new 
post  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  continued  to  gather 
strength,  as  also  Kentucky  in  general;  and  that 
a  powerful  expedition  was  to  move  from  Pitts- 
burgh upon  Detroit.  This  information,  with 
the  thought  of  what  we  had  already  done, 
caused  us  to  enjoy  ourselves  for  the  first  time 
since  our  arrival.  Our  joy,  however,  did  not 
last  long. 

Some  Indians  from  the  Missouri  came  from 
several  hundred  miles  up  that  river  to  see  us. 
Their  curiosity  was  so  great  they  could  not  re- 

97 


Conquest  of 


sist  the  temptation.  They  told  us  their  business 
was  merely  to  pay  us  a  visit.  They  said  they 
had  often  heard  of  the  Big  Knives  and  wished 
to  see  them  and  hoped  that  their  curiosity 
might  be  excused.  We  granted  their  request 
and  treated  them  kindly  while  they  were  with 
us.  They  were  somewhat  different  in  their 
manner  and  complexion,  being  much  fairer 
than  any  other  Indians  I  had  ever  seen.  I 
suppose  it  was  this  that  gave  rise  to  the  idea 
of  there  being  Welsh  Indians  in  that  quarter.38 
Captain  Helm  sent  an  express  to  inform  me 
that  the  British  had  sent  an  agent  to  Ouiatanon 
with  a  considerable  supply  of  goods  to  attempt 
to  regain  the  affections  of  the  Indians  in  that 
quarter.  He  said  he  thought  the  man  might 
be  taken  if  I  would  authorize  the  attempt,  and 
that  several  gentlemen  at  Vincennes  shared 

38  There  is  a  tradition  that  one  Madoc,  a  Welsh 
prince  of  the  twelfth  century,  disgusted  at  the  dissen- 
sions which  prevailed  in  his  native  land,  resolved  to 
explore  the  western  ocean  in  search  of  more  tranquil 
scenes.  He  came  to  America  with  a  numerous 
company,  and  their  descendants,  mingling  with  the 
natives,  were  the  so-called  "Welsh  Indians."  The 
belief  in  their  existence  has  been  very  persistent,  and 
many  of  the  older  writers  on  American  history  discuss 
the  subject.  George  Catlin,  the  noted  student  and 
artist  of  Indian  life,  identified  the  Mandan  Indians  of 
the  upper  Missouri  as  the  Welsh  Indians.  A  full 
discussion  of  the'  subject  with  citations  from  many 
authorities  may  be  found  in  Reuben  T.  Durrett's 
Traditions  of  the  Earliest  Visits  of  Foreigners  to  North 
America  (Louisville,  1908.  Filson  Club  Publications, 
No.  23). 

98 


this  opinion.  I  gave  my  approval  of  the  en- 
terprise and  authorized  the  Captain  to  act  in 
accordance  with  the  decisions  of  the  councils 
they  might  hold;  but  I  told  him  that  if  they 
at  any  time  should  find  the  enterprise  danger- 
ous or  the  chances  against  them,  to  relinquish 
it  and  return,  giving  out  word  that  they  had 
merely  made  a  small  excursion  to  see  their 
friends.  He  set  out  up  the  Wabash  by  water 
with  men,  chiefly  inhabitants  of  Vincennes. 
The  French  merchants  with  the  expedition 
traded  with  the  Indians  along  the  way,  and 
Captain  Helm  addressed  them  on  public  affairs; 
this  was  to  give  the  impression  that  he  was 
merely  paying  a  visit  to  them,  and  that  the 
Frenchmen  with  him  had  come  along  to  look 
after  their  trade.  The  party  did  not  display 
any  hostile  intention  until  it  reached  the  vicinity 
of  the  Wea  town.  They  then  made  all  possible 
speed,  and  entering  the  fort  took  prisoner  The 
Kite  and  twenty  or  thirty  Chippewa  warriors 
who  were  in  council  there.  The  British  agent 
(I  forget  his  name)  heard  frequently  of  the 
advance  of  this  party  up  the  river,  but  he  was  told 
by  the  Indians  they  intended  no  harm.  They 
said  that  the  Big  Knife  who  was  with  the 
party  merely  came  along  with  the  traders  to 
deliver  good  talks  to  his  friends,  and  so  forth. 
But  after  a  few  days  the  agent  began  to  sus- 
pect the  sincerity  of  the  Indians  and  retired 
up  the  river  a  short  time  before  Captain  Helm 
arrived. 

99 


Conquest  of 


Those  Chippewas  were  a  party  which  he 
had  invited  to  meet  at  Ouiatanon  to  get  sup- 
plies and  conduct  an  expedition  against  Vin- 
cennes.  They  arrived  but  a  few  minutes  before 
our  party.  Hearing  the  news  and  finding  their 
friends  gone  they  slipped  into  the  fort  to  take 
some  refreshments  and  hold  a  council.  This 
they  had  scarcely  begun  when  our  party  entered 
and  closed  the  gate  on  them.  As  the  inhab- 
itants did  not  give  them  notice  of  its  approach 
the  Indians  were  much  alarmed  at  finding  them- 
selves so  suddenly  captured  and  at  first  had 
little  to  say  for  themselves.  After  some  con- 
sultation bet  ween  Captain  Helm  and  the  French 
gentlemen  who  were  with  him  it  was  thought 
that  capital  might  be  made  of  this  adventure 
and  accordingly  a  plan  was  fixed  upon.  A 
great  deal  was  said  to  the  prisoners,  but  it  all 
amounted  to  this:  that  the  Big  Knives  disdained 
to  catch  a  prisoner  asleep,  and  since  that  was 
the  case  in  the  present  instance  the  Indians 
were  at  liberty  and  might  fight  for  the  English 
as  long  as  they  pleased;  but  if  they  should 
again  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Big  Knives 
they  need  expect  no  mercy.  The  Indians  gave 
suitable  answer  to  this  act  of  seeming  gener- 
osity, declaring  that  they  would  never  fight 
against  the  Big  Knives  again;  and  I  understood 
that  the  Indians  frequently  mentioned  this 
adventure  and  spoke  much  in  our  favor.  Our 
party  returned  in  safety  to  Vincennes,  having 
spoken  with  the  greater  part  of  the  Indians  to 


the  apparent  satisfaction  of  both  parties.  So 
great  was  our  influence  among  the  Indians  at 
this  period  that  Governor  Hamilton  on  his  ex- 
pedition against  Vincennes  with  all  his  influence 
could  raise  but  four  or  five  hundred  Indians  to 
accompany  him. 

The  Chickasaws  being  at  war  I  wished  to 
have  some  correspondence  with  them  in  order 
to  learn  their  sentiments.  I  did  not  care  to 
send  to  them,  however,  since  this  would  appear 
too  much  like  begging  a  peace  as  they  call  it. 
It  occurred  to  me  that  the  Kaskaskia  Indians 
had  long  been  at  war  with  the  Chickasaws; 
for  some  time  this  war  had  seemingly  subsided, 
and  Batisst,  the  chief  of  the  Kaskaskias,  I  knew 
was  strongly  disposed  in  our  favor.  I  there- 
fore suggested  that  he  should  go  and  propose 
a  firm  peace  with  the  Chickasaws,  and  if  he 
succeeded  should  mention  something  about 
the  Big  Knives.  I  was  in  hopes  in  this  way 
to  bring  about  a  correspondence  with  them. 
Batisst  went  without  being  apprised  of  my  real 
design.  The  Chickasaws  received  him  cordially, 
but  he  could  not  conclude  his  business  on  ac- 
count of  the  absence  of  some  of  the  chiefs. 
He  mentioned  the  Americans,  but  their  con- 
versation on  the  subject  was  cool  and  little 
was  accomplished. 

Winter  was  now  approaching,  and  affairs 
began  to  wear  a  more  gloomy  aspect.  I  had 
not  as  yet  received  word  from  the  authorities 
in  Virginia.  On  the  other  hand  I  learned  from 


Conquest  of 


various  sources  that  preparations  were  under 
way  at  Detroit  for  a  great  expedition;  an  ad- 
vance had  already  been  made  as  far  as  the 
Miami  town  and  talks  had  been  sent  to  all  the 
Indian  tribes.  We  supposed  that  these  prepara- 
tions were  designed  to  the  end  of  giving  the 
army  from  Fort  Pitt  as  warm  a  reception  as 
possible.  This  information  gave  us  much 
pleasure  until  we  learned  that  instead  of  march- 
ing into  Detroit  the  army  from  Pittsburgh  had 
spent  its  time  parading  and  building  a  few 
posts  to  facilitate  its  future  designs.  This 
information,  which  came  from  the  Falls  of  the 
Ohio,  disappointed  us  greatly. 

One  Denny,  an  inhabitant  of  Cahokia,  was 
seized  by  Major  Bowman  for  sending  by  the 
Indians  to  his  friend  in  Detroit  a  letter  con- 
taining dangerous  information.  His  message 
was  intercepted,  and  he  was  tied  to  the  tail  of 
a  cart  and  driven  through  the  town,  receiving 
a  lash  at  every  door.  He  was  also  branded  in 
the  hand  for  other  misdemeanors.  This  was 
the  first  and  the  severest  punishment  inflicted 
by  us  on  any  of  the  inhabitants.  It  was  nec- 
essary at  this  time  to  convince  the  people  that 
we  were  capable  of  extremes  either  way,  and 
that  the  good  treatment  we  had  heretofore 
shown  them  was  due  to  the  principles  of  the 
government. 

For  some  time  past  we  had  received  no  in- 
formation from  Vincennes.  Since  the  post 
went  fortnightly  we  began  to  feel  that  some- 


thing  was  wrong.  We  sent  out  some  scouts, 
but  they  did  not  return,  and  we  continued  in 
a  state  of  suspense.  I  had  prepared  to  set 
out  from  Kaskaskia  to  Cahokia,  but  for  several 
days  the  weather  was  bad.  At  length  I  set 
out  in  a  snow  storm  which  gave  promise  of 
clearing  up,  and  which  did  so  in  about  half  an 
hour.  We  noticed  that  six  or  seven  men  had 
passed  some  distance  along  the  road  since  the 
snow  had  ceased.  We  supposed  it  to  be  some 
of  the  townsmen,  but  we  wondered  what  they 
could  be  about.  I  had  several  gentlemen  ac- 
companying me  in  chairs.  Approaching  the 
hill  near  the  river,  one  of  these  sank  in  a 
swamp,  and  the  gentleman  who  rode  in  it  was 
some  time  ingettingout,  as  the  others  would  not 
permit  any  assistance  to  be  given  until  after 
their  laughter  had  subsided.  We  went  cheer- 
fully on  to  Prairie  du  Rocher,  twelve  miles 
from  Kaskaskia,  where  I  intended  to  spend  the 
evening  at  Captain  Barbour's.  After  supper 
a  dance  was  proposed.  While  it  was  at  its 
height  an  express  came  to  me  that  late  that 
evening  a  party  of  white  men  and  Indians  had 
come  to  some  negroes,  who  were  up  the  Kas- 
kaskia River  cutting  wood,  and  after  asking  a 
number  of  questions  told  the  negroes  that  they 
had  a  party  of  eight  hundred  men  a  few  miles 
away,  and  intended  to  attack  the  fort  that  night. 
They  threatened  the  negroes  with  death  if  they 
should  reveal  this  information  and  went  away. 
The  negroes  told  it  and  the  express  was  dis- 
103 


Conquest  of 


patched  for  me.  This  report  sounded  to  us 
like  the  truth.  For  some  time  past  our  sus- 
picions had  been  aroused;  we  recalled  the 
various  reports  of  the  Indians,  the  failure  of 
our  scouts  to  return,  and  the  tracks  we  had 
seen  in  the  road.  The  inhabitants  of  Prairie 
du  Rocher  were  greatly  alarmed.  They  urged 
me  to  cross  the  Mississippi  to  the  Spanish  side 
for  protection,  saying  the  fort  must  already  be 
invested. 

I  laughed  at  the  idea,  and  much  to  their 
amusement  resolved  to  attempt  to  enter  the 
fort.  I  ordered  our  horses,  and  borrowing 
clothes  to  dress  my  men  in  the  garb  of  hunters 
set  out,  making  a  pretense  of  being  greatly 
amused  over  the  situation.  The  ground  was 
covered  with  snow  and  the  moon  shone  bright- 
ly. I  took  the  express  along  with  me  in  order 
to  have  some  time  for  thought,  and  in  about 
a  quarter  of  an  hour  wrote  a  card  to  Major 
Bowman  at  Cahokia,  directing  him  to  come 
with  his  company  and  all  the  volunteers  he 
could  raise.  I  told  him  to  be  cautious,  and 
if  he  should  find  he  could  not  render  any  serv- 
ice to  us  he  should  retreat  to  Ste.  Genevieve 
and  act  as  circumstances  might  dictate .  The 
express  was  an  expert  woodsman,  and  was 
mounted  on  the  best  horse  we  had.  He  was 
ordered  to  run  the  horse  as  long  as  it  could  go 
faster  than  he  could  walk;  then  to  abandon 
the  animal  and  make  the  best  of  his  way  on 
foot. 

104 


We  continued  on  our  way,  making  a  detour 
from  the  road  whenever  we  came  to  any  woods 
which  might  serve  as  a  covert  for  an  enemy. 
Our  design  in  dressing  as  woodsmen  in  leg- 
gings and  capotes,  with  handkerchiefs  tied  on 
our  heads,  was  to  leave  our  horses  in  case  we 
should  find  the  enemy  had  actually  invested 
the  fort,  enter  their  lines  and  fight  with  the 
Indians  (who  we  thought  would  not  be  likely 
to  distinguish  us  from  the  English)  until  we 
could  make  good  our  way  to  a  certain  ravine 
near  one  of  the  angles  of  the  fort  where  there 
was  a  small  sally  port.  Here  we  could  easily 
make  ourselves  known,  and  probably  draw 
some  of  them  into  it.  Such  was  our  plan  in 
this  seemingly  desperate  situation.  As  we 
drew  near  the  town  all  was  silent.  We  ap- 
proached cautiously,  and  making  a  circuit, 
perceived  from  the  condition  of  the  snow  that 
no  body  of  men  had  entered  the  town.  Accord- 
ingly we  went  in,  to  the  great  joy  of  every 
one.  I  found  that  every  preparation  had  been 
made  and  every  circumstance,  particularly  the 
character  of  the  conversation  with  the  negroes, 
caused  us  to  believe  that  the  enemy  was  in  the 
neighborhood.  The  night  passed,  however, 
without  any  further  alarm,  and  it  was  gener- 
ally supposed  that  the  snow  had  prevented 
the  attack. 

I  spent  the  night  in  various  reflections.  I 
knew  that  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  defend 
the  town,  or  to  hold  out  in  the  fort,  but  I  was 


Conquest  of 


in  hopes  of  baffling  their  enterprise  and  fright- 
ening them  away  by  circulating  a  plausible 
report  (since  they  must  have  taken  Vincennes 
before  they  could  get  to  us)  that  we  had  re- 
ceived full  information  of  their  proceedings, 
and  had  sent  an  express  to  Kentucky  for  an 
army  to  advance  and  cut  off  their  retreat. 
Since  according  to  the  report  of  the  negroes 
most  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  were  se- 
verely threatened,  I  was  afraid  they  would 
propose  defending  it;  but  that  nothing  should 
appear  wanting  on  our  part,  I  sent  for  the  prin- 
cipal men  and  put  the  question  to  them,  desir- 
ing them  to  speak  their  sentiments  freely. 
After  some  deliberation  they  told  me  that  they 
thought  it  prudent  to  remain  neutral.  This  was 
certainly  a  judicious  resolution,  and  was  what 
I  desired,  but  I  proceeded  to  make  capital  of 
it.  I  pretended  to  be  in  a  passion,  and  ordered 
them  to  their  homes,  saying  I  had  no  further 
business  with  them,  and  that  I  expected  they 
would  soon  see  their  town  in  flames.  They 
went  away  and  some  of  the  young  men  volun- 
tarily joined  us.  Some  of  them  privately  ad- 
vised that  all  the  wood  in  town  should  be 
ordered  into  the  garrison,  but  I  gave  them  a 
short  answer,  and  told  them  we  had  plenty  of 
provisions.  Several  houses  being  close  to 
the  walls  of  the  fort,  the  inhabitants  were 
told  to  vacate  them  as  they  would  be  burned 
at  once.  A  large  barn  full  of  grain  that  stood 
a  short  distance  away  was  immediately  set  on 
1 06 


fire  without  anything  being  taken  out  of  it, 
and  soon  other  small  buildings  were  torn  down 
and  carried  into  the  fort  for  fuel,  while  prep- 
arations were  made  to  fire  still  other  buildings. 

All  was  now  confusion,  the  town  on  fire,  the 
women  and  children  screaming,  and  the  inhab- 
itants moving  out.  I  keenly  felt  their  distress. 
Some  of  them  begged  to  know  how  much  of 
the  town  I  intended  to  burn,  so  that  they  might 
move  their  goods  out  of  danger.  They  were 
told  that  it  was  far  from  our  wish  to  destroy 
more  than  was  absolutely  necessary.  They 
must  realize  that  at  a  time  like  this  it  was  our 
duty  to  do  whatever  might  be  necessary  to 
promote  our  safety.  I  said  that  although  I 
knew  the  enemy  would  soon  be  intercepted  by 
an  army  from  Kentucky,  they  might,  mean- 
while, do  us  much  damage  if  we  did  not  take 
necessary  precautions.  We  meant  to  destroy 
the  provisions  only  to  prevent  them  from  fall- 
ing into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  This  they 
must  confess  was  justifiable,  but  as  the  wind 
was  unfavorable  no  more  buildings  would  be 
set  on  fire  till  it  shifted.  They  went  away, 
and  we  waited  to  see  what  the  result  of  our 
procedure  would  be.  In  a  very  short  time  we 
observed  the  carts  begin  to  move,  and  within 
two  or  three  hours  we  had  upwards  of  two 
months'  provisions  in  store. 

Our  policy  was,  aside  from  getting  the 
provisions,  to  make  ourselves  appear  as  daring 
as  possible.  We  therefore  desired  the  people 
107 


Conquest  of 


to  stop,  telling  them  that  perhaps  the  report 
was  false,  and  that  the  scouts  would  soon  re- 
turn, when  we  would  know  better  how  to  pro- 
ceed. They  did  so  in  a  short  time,  and  informed 
me  that  they  discovered  the  trail  of  seventy  or 
eighty  men  who  were  apparently  directing  their 
course  towards  Vincennes,  but  that  there  was 
no  sign  of  a  formidable  force  in  the  neighbor- 
hood. Things  now  began  to  quiet  down.  The 
next  day  Major  Bowman  arrived  with  a  con- 
siderable force  of  men  and  we  began  to  pluck 
up  our  courage. 

It  was  now  conjectured  that  Vincennes  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  enemy  and  that  the  party 
which  had  been  seen  in  our  neighborhood  had 
been  sent  from  that  place  on  some  errand  or 
other;  the  snowfall  had  rendered  it  impossible 
for  them  to  remain  undiscovered,  since  they 
were  compelled  to  hunt  to  obtain  food,  and 
they  had  given  the  alarm  in  order  that  they 
might  gain  time  to  escape.  We  afterward  learned 
that  this  was  substantially  the  case.  It  was  a 
party  composed  chiefly  of  Indians  which  Gov- 
ernor Hamilton,  who  was  now  in  possession 
of  Vincennes,  had  sent  out  with  careful  instruc- 
tions to  lie  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Illinois 
towns  until  they  could  find  an  opportunity  to 
make  me  prisoner.  Under  no  circumstances 
were  they  to  kill  me,  but  in  case  of  success 
were  to  treat  me  with  every  courtesy.  They 
were  to  furnish  me  with  a  horse  for  the  return 
journey  and  were  to  permit  me  to  take  such 
108 


amusement  as  I  should  desire  en  route,  but  I 
was  always  to  be  attended  by  persons  mounted 
on  better  horses  than  my  own.  Thus  I 
was  to  be  a  prisoner  of  state  in  the  hands  of 
the  savages. 

By  some  means  or  other  (I  never  could  be 
entirely  satisfied  from  whom)  this  party  learned 
of  my  intention  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  garrison 
at  Cahokia.  Accordingly  they  concealed  them- 
selves behind  a  hill  near  the  road  about  three 
miles  above  Kaskaskia,  keeping  a  small  look- 
out in  advance.  The  day  I  set  out  these  fellows 
had  advanced  closer  to  the  town  than  usual. 
The  snow  coming  on,  they  had  returned  to 
their  camp,  walking  some  distance  in  the  road, 
which  occasioned  the  tracks  we  saw.  The 
country  being  very  open  in  this  vicinity  and 
we  riding  very  fast,  made  it  impossible  for 
them  to  return  so  as  to  alarm  the  camp  with- 
out being  discovered,  and  they  therefore  se- 
creted themselves  behind  some  logs  and  bushes 
within  seventy  or  eighty  yards  of  the  ravine 
where  we  were  delayed  by  the  swamping  of 
the  chair.  They  reported  that  they  could  have 
surprised  and  taken  most  of  us,  but  not  being 
able  to  distinguish  me  from  the  rest,  as  we 
were  all  muffled  up,  they  were  afraid  to  fire 
for  fear  of  killing  me.  I  suppose  the  truth 
was  that  they  were  afraid  to  reveal  themselves 
as  we  were  nearly  twice  their  number,  and 
even  our  servants  were  fully  armed.  The  bad 
weather  proved  to  be  our  salvation  as  they  did 
109 


€{je  Conquest  of 


not  expect  us  to  come  out  and  the  greater  part 
of  them  had  returned  to  camp,  leaving  only 
seven  men  on  outpost  duty. 

Perceiving  that  their  hopes  were  now  blasted, 
and  that  they  could  not  remain  longer  without 
being  discovered,  they  fell  in  with  the  negroes 
with  the  design  of  creating  such  an  alarm  as 
should  give  them  time  to  get  away,  and  in  this 
they  were  entirely  successful.  The  instructions 
given  by  Governor  Hamilton  to  this  party  was 
one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  respect  shown 
him  by  our  officers  when  he  fell  into  our  hands ; 
but  his  treatment  in  Virginia  was  quite  differ- 
ent and  highly  unsatisfactory  to  them,  as  they 
thought  it  in  some  measure  involved  their  honor. 

To  return  to  our  subject,  it  was  concluded 
to  send  additional  scouts  to  Vincennes,  and  in 
the  meantime  to  prepare  ourselves  for  action. 
Being  fully  confident  that  a  change  either  in 
our  favor  or  against  us  would  shortly  take 
place,  we  desired  to  strengthen  ourselves  as 
much  as  possible.  The  volunteers  who  had 
accompanied  Major  Bowman  from  Cahokia 
were  presented  with  an  elegant  stand  of  colors 
and  sent  home.  Those  of  them  who  were  but 
poorly  armed  were  outfitted  from  our  stores, 
while  presents  were  made  to  the  others 
by  way  of  acknowledgment  of  the  good  will 
they  had  shown  on  the  present  occasion.  They 
paraded  about  town  with  their  new  flag  and 
equipment  and  looked  upon  themselves  as  su- 
perior to  the  young  fellows  of  Kaskaskia;  it 
no 


caused  so  much  animosity  between  the  two 
parties  that  it  did  not  subside  until  I  intervened, 
somewhat  later,  when  it  suited  my  purpose  to 
do  so,  and  by  a  little  strategy  reunited  them. 

After  making  every  arrangement  that  we 
thought  most  conducive  to  our  safety  Major 
Bowman  returned  to  Cahokia  and  we  awaited 
in  suspense  the  return  of  our  scouts.  I  thought 
that  if  we  should  find  there  was  no  probability 
of  retaining  our  posts  I  would  abandon  them 
upon  the  approach  of  the  enemy  and  return  to 
Kentucky  where  I  would  raise  a  force  (the 
population  having  considerably  increased)  suf- 
ficient to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  English  to 
Detroit,  since  I  knew  the  Indians,  who  were 
not  fond  of  long  campaigns,  would  abandon 
them.  However,  on  the  2Qth  of  January,  1779, 
Mr.  Vigo,39  a  Spanish  merchant,  arrived  from 
Vincennes,  bringing  the  information  that  Gov- 
ernor Hamilton  with  thirty  regulars  and  fifty 
French  volunteers,  besides  Indian  agents,  in- 
terpreters, and  boatmen  to  a  considerable  num- 

39FrancoisVigo  was  a  Sardinian  who,  after  resign- 
ing from  the  Spanish  army  entered  the  fur  trade,  with 
headquarters  at  St.  Louis.  He  was  a  business  part- 
ner of  the  Spanish  governor  of  Upper  Louisiana. 
He  threw  his  influence  upon  the  American  side,  and 
both  on  his  own  behalf  and  through  his  influence 
with  Governor  DeLeyba  gave  powerful  aid  to  Clark. 
In  so  doing  he  incurred  heavy  expenditures  which  he 
never  recovered,  although  he  lived  until  1836.  Not 
until  1875  did  the  United  States  government  reim- 
burse his  heirs  for  the  money  advanced  in  its  behalf 
almost  a  century  before. 


€f)e  Conquest  of 


her,  and  about  four  hundred  Indians  had  taken 
that  post  in  December.  The  season  being  so 
far  advanced,  he  had  thought  it  impossible  to 
reach  the  Illinois  and  had  sent  some  of  his 
Indians  to  Kentucky  to  keep  watch  of  the  Ohio 
River  and  disbanded  the  rest.  All  were  to 
meet  again  in  the  spring,  drive  us  out  of  the 
Illinois  country,  and  in  conjunction  with  their 
southern  friends  attack  Kentucky  in  a  body. 
All  the  goods  belonging  to  the  merchants  at 
Vincennes  were  taken  for  the  king's  use.  They 
were  repairing  the  fort  and  expecting  a  rein- 
forcement to  arrive  from  Detroit  in  the  spring. 
Mr.  Vigo  stated  that  they  appeared  to  have 
plenty  of  stores  of  all  kinds,  and  that  they  were 
strict  in  their  discipline,  but  he  did  not  believe 
they  were  under  much  apprehension  of  a  visit 
from  us  and  he  thought  that  if  we  could  get 
there  undiscovered  we  might  capture  the  place. 
In  short,  we  received  all  the  information  from 
this  gentleman  that  we  could  desire  as  he  had 
enjoyed  a  good  opportunity  to  inform  himself 
and  had  taken  pains  to  do  so  with  a  view  to 
bringing  the  report  to  us. 

We  now  saw  that  we  were  in  a  very  critical 
situation,  cut  off  as  we  were  from  all  inter- 
course with  the  home  government.  We  per- 
ceived that  Governor  Hamilton,  by  the  junction 
of  his  northern  and  southern  Indians,  would 
be  at  the  head  of  such  a  force  in  the  spring 
that  nothing  in  this  quarter  could  withstand 
him.  Kentucky  must  fall  immediately  and  it 


would  be  fortunate  if  the  disaster  ended  here. 
Even  if  we  should  immediately  make  good  our 
retreat  to  Kentucky  we  were  convinced  that  it 
would  be  too  late  even  to  raise  a  force  suffi- 
cient to  save  that  colony,  as  all  the  men  in  it, 
united  to  the  troops  we  had,  would  not  suffice, 
and  to  get  succor  in  time  from  the  Virginia 
and  Pennsylvania  frontiers  was  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. We  saw  but  one  alternative  which  was 
to  attack  the  enemy  in  his  stronghold.  If  we 
were  successful  we  would  thereby  save  the 
whole  American  cause.  If  unsuccessful,  the 
consequence  would  be  nothing  worse  than  if 
we  should  not  make  the  attempt.  We  were 
encouraged  by  the  thought  of  the  magnitude 
of  the  consequences  that  would  attend  our 
success.  The  season  of  the  year  was  also 
favorable  to  our  design,  since  the  enemy  could 
not  suppose  that  we  would  be  so  mad  as  to 
attempt  a  march  of  eighty  leagues  through  a 
drowned  country  in  the  depth  of  winter.  They 
would,  therefore,  be  off  their  guard  and  would 
not  think  it  worth  while,  probably,  to  keep 
scouts  out.  If  we  could  make  good  our 
advance  to  Vincennes  we  might  probably 
surprise  and  overcome  them,  while  if  we  should 
fail,  the  country  would  be  in  no  worse  situa- 
tion than  if  we  had  not  made  the  attempt. 
This  and  many  other  similar  reasons  induced 
us  to  resolve  to  attempt  the  enterprise,  which 
met  with  the  approbation  of  every  man 
among  us. 

"3 


Conquest  of 


Orders  were  immediately  issued  for  making 
the  necessary  preparations.  The  whole  country 
took  fire  and  every  order,  such  as  preparing 
provisions,  encouraging  volunteers,  etc.,  was 
executed  with  cheerfulness  by  the  inhabitants. 
Since  we  had  an  abundance  of  supplies,  every 
man  was  equipped  with  whatever  he  could  de- 
sire to  withstand  the  coldest  weather.  Knowing 
that  the  Wabash  would  probably  overflow  its 
banks  to  a  width  of  five  or  six  miles  and  that 
it  would  be  dangerous  to  build  vessels  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  enemy,  I  concluded,  both 
to  obviate  this  and  to  convey  our  artillery  and 
stores,  to  send  around  by  water  a  vessel  strong 
enough  to  force  her  way,  as  she  could  be  at- 
tacked only  by  water  (unless  she  should  choose 
otherwise)  since  the  whole  of  the  lowlands  was 
under  water  and  she  might  keep  away  from 
any  heights  along  the  river.  A  large  Missis- 
sippi boat  was  immediately  purchased  and  com- 
pletely fitted  out  as  a  galley,  mounting  two  four- 
pounders  and  four  large  swivels,  and  manned 
by  forty-six  men  under  the  command  of 
John  Rogers.40  He  set  sail  on  February  4th, 
with  orders  to  force  his  way  up  the  Wabash  as 
high  as  the  mouth  of  White  River,  and  there 

40  John  Rogers  was  a  cousin  of  Clark.  He  saw 
service  in  the  earlier  years  of  the  Revolution,  and  in 
1778  became  second-lieutenant  in  Captain  Helm's 
company  on  Clark's  Kaskaskia  expedition.  As  noted 
here,  Clark  placed  him  in  command  of  the  war  galley 
sent  against  Vincennes.  After  its  capture  Rogers 
was  sent  to  convey  the  British  prisoners  to  Williams- 
114 


secrete  himself  until  further  orders;  if  he 
should  find  himself  discovered  he  was  to 
do  the  enemy  all  the  damage  he  could  with- 
out running  too  great  risk  of  losing  his  vessel. 
He  was  not  to  leave  the  river  until  he  had 
abandoned  hope  of  our  arrival  by  land,  but 
he  was  strictly  enjoined  to  so  conduct  himself 
as  to  give  rise  to  no  suspicion  of  our  expected 
approach. 

We  placed  great  dependence  in  this  vessel. 
She  was  far  superior  to  anything  the  enemy 
could  fit  out  unless  they  should  build  a  new 
one,  and  at  the  worst  if  we  were  discovered 
we  could  build  a  number  of  large  perogues, 
such  as  they  possessed,  to  attend  her.  With 
such  a  fleet  we  could  annoy  the  enemy  very 
much  and  if  we  saw  it  to  be  to  our  interest 
could  force  a  landing.  At  any  rate  it  would 
be  some  time  before  they  could  match  us  on 
the  water.  Having  been  in  a  state  of  suspense 
for  some  time  past  we  had  made  preparations 
in  part  for  some  such  event  as  this  and  these 
were  now  soon  completed.  The  inhabitants  of 
Kaskaskia  had  been  somewhat  cowed  since 
the  affair  of  the  supposedly  impending  siege 
and  nothing  was  said  to  them  on  the  subject 

burg.  In  Virginia  he  was  accorded  public  honors  for 
his  services  and  was  made  captain  of  a  mounted  troop 
for  the  western  service.  Returning  to  the  west  he 
served  in  Montgomery's  Rock  River  expedition,  and 
in  the  autumn  was  appointed  commandant  of  Kas- 
kaskia. He  returned  to  Virginia  the  following  sum- 
mer, and  died  at  Richmond  in  1794. 

"5 


Conquest  of 


of  volunteering  until  the  arrival  of  the  volun- 
teers from  Cahokia.  We  gave  these  an  expen- 
sive entertainment  to  which  they  invited  all 
their  Kaskaskia  acquaintances.  During  its  prog- 
ress all  minor  differences  were  composed  and 
by  twelve  o'clock  the  next  day  application  had 
been  made  for  permission  to  raise  a  company 
at  Kaskaskia.  This  was  granted  and  before 
nightfall  the  company  was  enrolled,  all  of 
the  townsmen  having  exerted  themselves  in 
order  to  wipe  out  the  memory  of  their  former 
coolness. 

Everything  being  ready  on  the  5th  of  Feb- 
ruary, after  receiving  a  lecture  and  absolution 
from  a  priest,  we  crossed  the  Kaskaskia  River 
with  170  men  and  at  a  distance  of  about  three 
miles  encamped  until  February  8.  When  we 
again  resumed  the  advance  the  weather  was 
wet  and  a  part  of  the  country  was  covered 
with  several  inches  of  water.  Progress  under 
these  conditions  was  difficult  and  fatiguing  al- 
though, fortunately,  it  was  not  very  cold  con- 
sidering the  time  of  year.  My  object  now  was 
to  keep  the  men  in  good  spirits.  I  permitted 
them  to  shoot  game  on  all  occasions  and  to 
feast  on  it  like  Indians  at  a  war  dance,  each 
company  taking  turns  in  inviting  the  other  to 
its  feast.  A  feast  was  held  every  night,  the 
company  that  was  to  give  it  being  always  sup- 
plied with  horses  for  laying  in  a  sufficient  store 
of  meat  in  the  course  of  the  day.  I  myself 
and  my  principal  officers  conducted  ourselves 
116 


like  woodsmen,  shouting  now  and  then  and 
running  through  the  mud  and  water  the  same 
as  the  men  themselves. 

Thus,  insensible  of  their  hardships  and  with- 
out complaining,  our  men  were  conducted 
through  difficulties  far  surpassing  anything  we 
had  ever  experienced  before  this  to  the  banks 
of  the  Little  Wabash,  which  we  reached  on 
February  13.  There  are  here  two  streams 
three  miles  apart,  and  the  distance  from  the 
bank  of  one  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  other 
is  five  miles.  This  whole  distance  we  found 
covered  with  some  three  feet  of  water,  being 
never  less  than  two,  and  frequently  four  feet 
in  depth.  I  went  into  camp  on  an  elevation 
at  the  bank  of  the  river  and  gave  the  troops 
permission  to  amuse  themselves.  For  some 
time  I  viewed  with  consternation  this  expanse 
of  water;  then  accusing  myself  of  irresolution, 
without  holding  any  consultation  over  the  sit- 
uation or  permitting  anyone  else  to  do  so  in 
my  presence,  I  immediately  set  to  work.  I 
ordered  a  perogue  to  be  constructed  at  once 
and  acted  as  though  crossing  the  water  would 
be  only  a  bit  of  diversion.  Since  but  few  of 
the  men  could  find  employment  at  a  time,  pains 
were  taken  to  devise  amusement  for  the  rest 
in  order  to  keep  up  their  spirits.  However, 
the  men  were  well  prepared  for  the  undertak- 
ing before  us  as  they  had  frequently  waded 
farther  than  we  must  now,  although  seldom 
in  water  more  than  half-leg  deep. 
117 


Conquest  of 


My  eagerness  to  cross  steadily  increased, 
since  I  perceived  that  to  do  so  would  precipi- 
tate us  into  a  forlorn  hope;  if  after  this  was 
accomplished  the  men  should  begin  to  think 
seriously  of  what  they  had  undergone  they 
would  abandon  all  thought  of  retreat,  prefer- 
ring to  undergo  any  difficulty  which  offered  a 
prospect  of  success,  rather  than  to  attempt  a 
retreat  involving  the  certainty  of  encountering 
all  they  had  already  endured,  while  in  the  event 
of  freezing  weather  retreat  would  be  altogether 
impracticable  until  the  ice  should  become  firm 
enough  to  support  them.  On  the  evening  of  the 
1 4th  our  boat  was  completed  and  I  sent  a  crew 
of  men  to  explore  the  drowned  lands  and  find  if 
possible  some  spot  of  dry  land  on  the  bank  of 
the  second  little  river.  They  found  a  place 
about  half  an  acre  in  extent  and  marked  the 
trees  from  it  back  to  the  camp.  They  returned 
with  a  very  favorable  report,  having  received 
private  instructions  from  me  in  advance  as  to 
what  they  should  say. 

Fortunately  for  us  the  I5th  chanced  to  be 
a  warm,  moist  day  considering  the  season. 
The  channel  of  the  river  where  we  were  en- 
camped was  about  thirty  yards  wide  and  the 
opposite  bank  was  under  three  feet  of  water. 
Here  we  built  a  scaffold  and  the  baggage  was 
put  upon  it  and  ferried  across,  while  our  horses 
swam  the  channel  and  at  the  scaffold  were 
again  loaded  with  the  baggage.  By  this  time 
the  soldiers  had  also  been  brought  across  and 
118 


we  took  up  our  march,  our  boat  being  loaded 
with  men  who  were  sick.  We  moved  on  cheer- 
fully, expecting  every  moment  to  see  dry  land, 
but  none  was  discovered  until  we  came  to  the 
small  spots  already  mentioned.  The  river 
channel  here  being  smaller  than  the  first  one, 
the  troops  immediately  crossed  it  and  marched 
on  in  the  water  as  before  in  order  to  gain  the 
nearest  height  they  could  discover.  Our  horses 
and  baggage  crossed  the  second  river  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  first  and  followed  in  the 
trail  of  the  troops  (since  their  tracks  could  not 
be  seen  in  the  water  they  marked  the  trees  as 
they  proceeded).  Evening  found  us  encamped 
on  a  handsome  elevation,  the  men  in  high 
spirits,  each  one  laughing  at  some  one  else 
over  some  mishap  that  had  occurred  in  the 
course  of  this  ferrying  business,  as  they  called 
it,  and  all  together  over  the  great  exploit 
they  had  performed.  A  comical  little  drum- 
mer had  afforded  them  great  diversion  by 
floating  on  his  drum  and  other  tricks.  Such 
incidents  greatly  encouraged  them  and  they 
really  began  to  regard  themselves  as  superior 
to  other  men  and  as  persons  whom  neither 
floods  nor  seasons  could  stop.  All  their  con- 
versation was  now  about  what  they  would 
do  when  they  could  charge  the  enemy  and 
they  began  to  talk  about  the  main  Wabash 
as  a  creek,  not  doubting  but  such  men  as 
they  were  would  find  a  way  to  cross  it. 
Their  spirits  rose  to  such  a  pitch  that  they 
119 


Conquest  of 


soon  took  Vincennes  and  divided  the  spoil, 
and  before  bed  time  were  far  advanced  on 
the  road  to  Detroit. 

This  optimism  was  of  course  gratifying  to 
those  of  us  who  were  indulging  in  more  serious 
reflections.  We  were  now  in  the  enemy's 
country,  as  it  were,  with  no  possibility  of  re- 
treating in  case  the  enemy  should  discover 
and  overpower  us  (except  by  means  of  our 
galley  if  we  should  fall  in  with  her) .  We  were 
now  convinced  that  all  of  the  low  country  along 
the  Wabash  was  flooded,  and  that  the  enemy 
could  easily  come  to  us  if  they  should  discover 
us  and  care  to  risk  an  action.  Should  they 
not  do  this  we  entertained  no  doubt  of  cross- 
ing the  river  by  some  means  or  other.  In  case 
Captain  Rogers  had  not  reached  his  station 
according  to  his  appointment  we  would  en- 
deavor to  steal  some  boats  from  the  houses 
opposite  the  town,  and  we  flattered  ourselves 
that  all  would  be  well  and  we  would  march  on 
in  high  spirits. 

On  the  seventeenth  I  despatched  Mr.  Ken- 
nedy with  three  men  to  cross  the  River  Embar- 
rass, which  is  six  miles  from  Vincennes,  charg- 
ing him  to  procure,  if  possible,  some  boats  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  town,  but  chiefly  to 
obtain  some  information  if  he  could  do  so  in 
safety.  He  went  and  on  reaching  the  river 
found  that  the  country  between  it  and  the 
Wabash  was  flooded.  We  proceeded  down 
below  the  mouth  of  the  Embarrass,  vainly 


attempting  to  reach  the  banks  of  the  Wabash. 
Finding  a  dry  spot  we  encamped  late  at  night 
and  in  the  morning  were  gratified  at  hearing 
for  the  first  time  the  morning  gun  of  the  Brit- 
ish garrison.  We  resumed  our  march  and  about 
two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  eighteenth 
gained  the  banks  of  the  Wabash  three  leagues 
below  the  town  and  went  into  camp. 

I  now  sent  four  men  across  the  river  on  a  raft 
to  find  land  if  possible,  proceed  to  the  town, 
and  purloin  some  canoes.  Captain  McCarty  set 
out  with  a  few  men  the  next  morning  with  a 
little  canoe  he  had  made  for  the  same  purpose. 
Both  parties  returned  unsuccessful;  the  first 
was  unable  to  make  land,  and  the  Captain  was 
driven  back  by  the  appearance  of  a  camp.  I 
immediately  despatched  the  canoe  down  the 
river  to  meet  the  galley,  carrying  orders  for  it 
to  proceed  day  and  night.  Meanwhile,  deter- 
mined to  have  as  many  strings  to  my  bow  as 
possible  I  directed  the  men  to  build  canoes  in 
a  sheltered  place.  I  had  not  yet  given  up  hope 
of  our  boat  arriving;  in  case  she  should,  these 
canoes  would  augment  our  fleet;  should  she 
not  come  before  they  were  ready,  they  would 
answer  our  purpose  without  her. 

Many  of  our  volunteers  began  for  the  first 
time  to  despair  and  some  to  talk  of  returning 
but  our  situation  was  now  such  that  I  was  past 
all  uneasiness.  I  merely  laughed  at  them; 
without  persuading  or  ordering  them  to  desist 
from  such  an  attempt  I  told  them  I  would  be 


Conquest  of 


glad  if  they  would  go  out  and  kill  some  deer. 
They  departed  puzzled  over  my  conduct.  My 
own  men  knew  that  I  had  no  idea  of  abandoning 
an  enterprise  for  want  of  provisions  so  long  as 
there  were  plenty  of  good  horses  in  our  posses- 
sion and  I  knew  that  our  volunteers  could  be 
detained  without  the  use  of  force  for  a  few 
days,  by  which  time  our  fate  would  be  deter- 
mined. I  conducted  myself  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  lead  everyone  to  believe  I  had  no  doubt  of 
success.  This  kept  up  their  spirits,  and  the  hun- 
ters being  out,  they  had  hope  of  momentarily 
obtaining  a  supply  of  food,  besides  the  expec- 
tation of  the  arrival  of  the  galley.  I  perceived 
that  if  we  should  not  be  discovered  for  two 
days  we  would  effect  the  passage  of  the  river. 

On  the  twentieth  the  water  guard  decoyed  a 
boat  ashore  having  five  Frenchmen  and  some 
provisions  on  board.  These  men  were  on  their 
way  down  river  to  join  a  party  of  hunters. 
They  informed  us  that  we  had  been  discovered 
and  that  the  inhabitants  were  well  disposed 
towards  us.  They  said  the  fort  had  been  com- 
pleted and  greatly  strengthened,  and  that  the 
number  of  men  in  it  was  about  the  same  as  when 
Mr.  Vigo  left  Vincennes.  In  short,  they  gave 
us  all  the  information  we  desired,  even  telling 
us  of  two  boats  that  were  adrift  up  the  river, 
one  of  which  Captain  Worthington  recovered. 

Having  now  two  small  boats,  early  on  the 
morning  of  the  twenty-first,  abandoning  our 
baggage,  we  began  crossing  over  the  troops 


and  landing  them  on  a  small  elevation  called 
the  Mamel.  While  engaged  in  searching  foi  a 
passage  Captain  J.  Williams  gave  chase  to  a 
canoe  but  could  not  take  it.  The  men  we  had 
captured  said  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  make 
the  town  that  night  or  at  all  with  our  boats. 
Recalling  what  we  had  done,  however,  we 
thought  otherwise,  and  pushing  into  the  water 
marched  a  league,  frequently  in  water  to  our 
arm  pits,  to  what  is  called  the  upper  Mamel. 
Here  we  encamped  our  men,  still  in  good  spirits 
from  the  hope  of  soon  putting  an  end  to  their 
fatigue  and  realizing  their  desire  to  come  into 
contact  with  the  enemy. 

This  last  march  through  the  water  was  so 
far  superior  to  anything  our  prisoners  had  con- 
ceived of  that  they  were  backward  about  saying 
anything  further.  They  told  us  the  nearest  land 
was  the  Sugar  Camp,  a  small  league  away  on 
the  bank  of  the  river.  A  canoe  was  sent  off 
to  it  and  returned  with  the  report  that  we 
could  not  pass.  I  now  went  myself  and  sound- 
ing the  water  found  it  as  deep  as  my  neck.  I 
returned  with  the  thought  of  having  the  men 
transported  to  the  Sugar  Camp  in  the  canoes, 
which  I  knew  would  consume  the  entire  day 
and  the  ensuing  night  since  the  boats  would 
pass  but  slowly  through  the  bushes.  To  men 
half  starved  the  loss  of  so  much  time  was  a 
serious  matter  and  I  would  now  have  given  a 
good  deal  for  a  day's  provisions  or  for  one  of 
our  horses. 

123 


Conquest  of 


I  returned  but  slowly  to  the  troops  in  order 
to  gain  time  for  reflection.  On  our  arrival  all 
ran  to  hear  our  report  and  every  eye  was  fixed 
on  me.  Unfortunately  I  spoke  in  a  serious 
manner  to  one  of  the  officers  and  without 
knowing  what  I  had  said  all  were  thrown  into 
a  state  of  alarm,  running  from  one  to  another 
and  bewailing  their  situation.  For  about  a 
minute  I  stood  looking  upon  their  confusion 
and  then,  whispering  to  those  close  by  to  do 
as  I  did  I  quickly  scooped  up  some  water  with 
my  hand,  poured  some  powder  into  it,  and 
blacking  my  face,  raised  the  war  whoop.  I 
marched  into  the  water.  The  party  gazed  at 
me  for  an  instant  and  then  like  a  flock  of  sheep 
fell  in,  one  behind  the  other,  without  saying  a 
word.  I  ordered  the  men  who  were  near  me 
to  strike  up  one  of  their  favorite  songs.  It 
soon  passed  down  the  line  and  all  went  on 
cheerfully.  I  now  intended  to  have  them  fer- 
ried across  the  deepest  part  of  the  water  but 
when  we  continued  out  about  waist  deep  one 
of  the  men  told  me  he  thought  he  felt  a  path. 
We  found  it  to  be  so  and  concluded  that  it 
kept  to  the  highest  ground.  This  proved  to  be 
the  case,  and  by  taking  pains  to  follow  it  we 
reached  the  Sugar  Camp  without  the  least  diffi- 
culty. Here  we  found  about  half  an  acre  of 
dry  ground,  or  at  any  rate  ground  not  under 
water,  and  on  it  we  took  up  our  lodging. 

The  Frenchmen  whom  we  had  captured  on 
the  river  appeared  to  be  uneasy  about  our  sit- 
124 


uation.  They  begged  that  they  might  be  per- 
mitted to  go  to  town  by  night  in  two  canoes, 
saying  they  would  bring  us  provisions  from 
their  own  homes  without  the  possibility  of  any 
one  finding  it  out.  They  asked  that  some  of 
our  men  should  go  with  them  as  a  pledge  of 
their  good  conduct.  It  was  impossible,  they 
said,  for  us  to  march  from  this  place  until  the 
water  should  fall.  This  would  require  several 
days,  since  the  plain  in  front  of  us  for  a  dis- 
tance of  three  miles  was  covered  too  deep  to 
march  over.  Some  of  our  men  urged  that  this 
be  done,  but  I  refused  to  permit  it.  I  have 
never  been  able  to  account  satisfactorily  either 
to  myself  or  anyone  else  for  thus  refusing  a 
proposition  which  was  apparently  so  easy  to 
execute  and  of  such  great  advantage  to  us, 
but  something  seemed  to  tell  me  it  should  not 
be  done  and  it  was  not. 

During  most  of  this  march  the  weather  was 
warm  and  moist  for  the  season.  This  was  the 
coldest  night  we  had  and  in  the  morning  the 
ice  was  one-half  or  three-fourths  of  an  inch  deep 
in  still  water  and  close  to  shore.  The  morning 
was  the  finest  we  had  had  on  our  entire  march. 
Shortly  after  sunrise  I  addressed  the  men. 
What  I  said  to  them  I  do  not  now  remember, 
but  it  may  be  easily  imagined  by  anyone  who 
can  understand  my  affection  for  them  at  that 
time.  I  concluded  by  informing  them  that 
by  surmounting  the  plain,  now  in  full  view,  and 
reaching  the  woods  opposite  they  would  put 

125 


Conquest  of 


an  end  to  their'  suffering  and  in  a  few  hours 
would  have  sight  of  their  long-wished-for  goal. 
Without  waiting  for  any  reply  I  stepped  into 
the  water  and  a  hurrah  was  raised.  We  com- 
monly marched  through  the  water  in  single  file 
as  it  was  much  easier  to  advance  in  this  way. 
When  about  a  third  of  the  men  had  entered  I 
halted  them  and  further  to  prove  the  men,  and 
because  I  had  some  suspicion  of  three  or  four 
of  them,  I  called  to  Major  Bowman  to  fall  into 
the  rear  with  twenty-five  men  and  to  put  to 
death  any  of  the  men  who  refused  to  march, 
saying  that  we  wished  to  have  no  such  person 
among  us.  The  whole  force  raised  a  cry  of 
approbation  and  on  we  went.  This  was  the 
most  trying  difficulty  of  all  we  had  experienced. 
I  had  fifteen  or  twenty  of  the  strongest  men 
follow  after  me  and,  judging  from  my  own  sensa- 
tions what  must  be  those  of  the  men,  on  reach- 
ing the  middle  of  the  plain  where  the  water 
was  about  knee  deep  I  realized  that  I  was 
failing.  There  being  no  trees  or  bushes  here 
for  the  men  to  support  themselves  by,  I  did 
not  doubt  but  that  many  of  the  weaker  ones 
would  be  drowned.  I  therefore  ordered  the 
canoes  to  make  the  land,  discharge  their 
loads,  and  then  ply  backwards  and  forwards 
with  all  possible  diligence,  picking  up  the  men. 
To  encourage"  the  party  I  sent  some  of  the 
strongest  men  ahead  with  orders  to  pass  the 
word  back  when  they  reached  a  certain  distance 
that  the  water  was  getting  shallower,  and  on 
126 


approaching  the  woods  to  cry  out  "Land." 
This  stratagem  produced  the  desired  effect. 
Encouraged  by  it  the  men  exerted  themselves 
to  the  limit  of  their  ability,  the  weaker  holding 
on  to  the  stronger  ones  and  frequently  one 
man  being  upheld  by  two.  This  was  a  great 
advantage  to  the  weak,  but  the  water,  instead 
of  gettingshallower,  became  continually  deeper. 
On  reaching  the  woods,  where  they  expected 
land,  the  water  was  up  to  my  shoulders.  Never- 
theless, gaining  these  woods  was  a  matter  of 
great  importance.  All  the  weak  and  short  men 
clung  to  the  trees  and  floated  on  logs  until 
they  were  taken  off  by  the  canoes.  The  strong 
and  tall  men  got  ashore  and  started  fires.  Many 
would  reach  the  bank  and  fall  with  their  bodies 
half  in  the  water,  not  being  able  to  support 
themselves  outside  it.  This  was  a  delightful 
spot  of  dry  ground  about  ten  acres  in  extent. 
We  soon  found,  however,  that  the  fires  did  us 
no  good  and  that  the  only  way  to  restore  the 
men  was  for  two  strong  ones  to  take  a  weak 
one  by  the  arms  and  exercise  him.  The  day 
was  delightful  and  by  this  means  they  soon 
recovered. 

A  piece  of  fortune  now  befell  us  which 
seemed  to  be  designed  by  Providence.  Some 
Indian  Squaws  and  children,  coming  up  to 
the  town  in  a  canoe,  took  a  short  cut  through 
this  part  of  the  plain  and  were  discovered  by 
our  canoes  while  they  were  out  after  the  men. 
Our  boats  gave  chase  to  the  canoe  and  cap- 
lay 


Conquest  of 


tured  it,  finding  on  board  nearly  half  a  quarter 
of  buffalo  besides  some  corn,  tallow,  and  ket- 
tles. This  was  an  invaluable  prize  to  us.  We 
immediately  made  some  broth  and  served  it  to 
the  weaker  men.  By  the  exercise  of  great  care 
most  of  the  men  obtained  a  little,  but  many  of 
them  would  not  taste  it,  giving  it  instead  to 
the  weaker  ones  and  saying  something  en- 
couraging to  their  comrades.  By  afternoon 
this  little  refreshment,  with  the  addition  of  fine 
weather,  gave  new  life  to  the  troops.  Crossing 
a  deep  narrow  lake  in  the  canoes  and  march- 
ing some  distance  we  came  to  a  copse  of  tim- 
ber called  Warriors  Island.  We  were  now  in 
full  view  of  the  fort  and  town  which  were  dis- 
tant about  two  miles  and  with  not  a  shrub  be- 
tween us  and  the  place.  Every  one  feasted 
his  eyes  and  forgot  that  he  had  suffered  any- 
thing. All  that  had  passed  was  attributed  to 
good  policy  and  was  nothing  that  a  man  could  not 
bear  and  a  soldier  had  no  right  to  think,  etc. 
Thus  they  passed  from  one  extreme  to  another, 
as  commonly  under  such  circumstances. 

Now  came  the  real  test  of  our  ability.  The 
plain  between  us  and  the  town  was  not  a  per- 
fect level,  and  the  sunken  ground  was  covered 
with  water  full  of  ducks.  We  observed  several 
men  out  on  horseback  shooting  ducks  about 
half  a  mile  away  and  sent  off  several  of  our 
active  young  men  to  decoy  and  capture  one  of 
them  in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  alarm  the 
rest.  The  information  we  obtained  from  this 
128 


person  was  similar  to  that  received  from  those 
we  had  taken  on  the  river,  with  the  exception 
of  the  news  that  the  British  had  that  evening 
completed  the  wall  of  the  fort  and  that  there 
were  a  large  number  of  Indians  in  the  town. 
Our  situation  was  now  sufficiently  critical. 
We  were  within  full  view  of  a  town  which 
contained  upwards  of  six  hundred  men,  count- 
ing soldiers,  inhabitants,  and  Indians,  with 
no  possibility  of  retreat  open  to  us  in  case  of 
defeat.  The  crew  of  the  galley,  although  num- 
bering less  than  fifty  men,  would  have  consti- 
tuted a  reinforcement  of  great  importance  to 
our  little  army.  But  we  would  not  permit 
ourselves  to  dwell  on  this.  We  were  now  in 
the  situation  I  had  been  laboring  to  attain. 
The  idea  of  being  taken  prisoner  was  foreign 
to  almost  all  of  our  men.  In  the  event  of  cap- 
ture they  looked  forward  to  being  tortured  by 
the  savages.  Our  fate  was  now  to  be  deter- 
mined, probably  within  the  next  few  hours, 
and  we  knew  that  nothing  but  the  boldest  con- 
duct would  insure  success.  I  knew  that  some 
of  the  inhabitants  wished  us  well,  while  many 
more  were  lukewarm  to  the  interest  of  the 
British  and  Americans  alike.  I  also  learned 
that  the  Grand  Chief,  the  son  of  Tobacco,  had 
within  a  few  days  openly  declared  in  council 
with  the  British  that  he  was  a  brother  and 
friend  of  the  Big  Knives.  These  circumstances 
were  in  our  favor.  Many  hunters  were  going 
back  and  forth  and  there  was  little  probability 
1 29 


Conquest  of 


of  our  remaining  undiscovered  until  dark.  Ac- 
cordingly I  determined  to  bring  matters  to  an 
issue  at  once,  and  writing  the  following  address 
to  the  inhabitants  sent  it  off  by  the  prisoner 
we  had  just  taken: 

TO  THE  INHABITANTS  OF  VINCENNES 

Gentlemen:  Being  now  within  two  miles 
of  your  village  with  my  army  determined  to 
take  your  fort  this  night,  and  not  being  willing 
to  surprise  you,  I  am  taking  the  measure  of 
requesting  such  of  you  as  are  true  citizens  and 
desirous  of  enjoying  the  liberty  I  bring  you  to 
remain  quietly  in  your  houses.  If  there  are 
any  that  are  friends  of  the  King  of  England 
I  desire  them  instantly  to  repair  to  the  fort  and 
there  join  his  troops  and  fight  like  men ;  and 
if  any  that  do  not  repair  to  the  garrison  shall 
hereafter  be  discovered  they  may  depend  upon 
being  severely  punished.  Those,  on  the  other 
hand,  who  are  true  friends  to  Liberty  may 
expect  to  be  well  treated.  I  once  more  re- 
quest that  they  keep  out  of  the  streets,  for 
every  person  found  under  arms  upon  my  arrival 
will  be  treated  as  an  enemy. 

I  entertained  conflicting  ideas  as  to  what 
would  be  the  result  of  this  letter.  I  knew, 
however,  that  it  could  do  us  no  damage,  but 
that  it  would  encourage  our  friends,  cause 
those  who  were  lukewarm  to  take  a  decided 
stand,  and  astonish  our  enemies.  I  felt  sure 
that  they  would  suppose  our  information  to  be 

13° 


valid  and  our  forces  so  numerous  that  we  were 
certain  of  success ;  that  they  would  suppose 
our  army  to  be  from  Kentucky,  and  not  from 
the  Illinois,  as  it  would  be  deemed  impossible 
for  troops  to  march  from  the  latter  place;  and 
would  think  that  my  name  had  been  employed 
by  way  of  subterfuge  (this  they  firmly  believed 
until  the  next  morning,  when  I  was  pointed  out 
to  them  by  a  person  in  the  fort  who  knew  me 
well)  or  that  we  were  a  reconnoitering  party 
who  only  employed  this  stratagem  in  order  to 
gain  time  to  effect  our  retreat.  This  latter  idea 
I  knew  would  soon  be  done  away.  Several 
gentlemen  sent  their  compliments  to  their 
friends  under  borrowed  names  which  were  well 
known  at  Vincennes  and  who  were  supposed 
to  have  been  in  Kentucky.  The  soldiers  were 
all  given  instructions  that  when  speaking  of 
our  numbers  their  common  conversation  should 
be  of  such  character  as  to  induce  a  stranger 
overhearing  it  to  suppose  we  had  nearly  a 
thousand  men.  We  anxiously  watched  the 
messenger  until  he  reached  the  town  and  in  a 
few  minutes  we  could  perceive  with  the  aid  of 
our  glasses  a  stirring  about  in  every  street  and 
large  numbers  running  or  riding  out  into  the 
commons,  intent  as  we  supposed  upon  viewing 
us.  This  proved  to  be  the  case,  but  to  our 
great  surprise  nothing  occurred  to  indicate 
that  the  garrison  had  been  alarmed.  Neither 
drum  nor  guns  were  heard.  This  led  us  to 
suppose  that  the  information  obtained  from  our 


Conquest  of 


prisoner  was  false  and  that  the  enemy  was  already 
aware  of  our  presence  and  prepared  to  meet  us. 
Every  man  among  us  had  been  impatient  for 
the  moment  which  was  now  at  hand.  Shortly 
before  sunset  we  advanced,  displaying  our- 
selves in  full  view  of  the  crowds  in  the  town. 
We  were  plunging  headlong  either  to  certain 
destruction  or  to  success.  No  middle  ground 
was  even  thought  of.  I  said  but  little  to  the 
men,  aside  from  emphasizing  the  necessity  for 
obedience.  I  knew  they  did  not  need  encourag- 
ing and  that  anything  might  be  attempted  with 
them  that  it  was  possible  for  such  a  number  of 
men,  perfectly  cool,  properly  disciplined,  pleas- 
ed with  the  prospect  before  them,  and  greatly 
attached  to  their  officers,  to  perform.  All  declar- 
ed themselves  convinced  that  implicit  obedience 
to  orders  would  alone  insure  success,  and  that 
they  hoped  anyone  who  should  violate  them 
would  immediately  be  put  to  death.  To  a 
person  in  my  situation  such  language  as  this 
from  the  soldiers  was  exceedingly  agreeable. 

We  advanced  slowly  in  full  view  of  the  town, 
but  as  it  was  a  matter  of  some  consequence  to 
make  ourselves  appear  as  formidable  as  pos- 
sible, on  leaving  our  place  of  concealment  we 
marched  and  countermarched  in  a  fashion  cal- 
culated to  magnify  our  numbers.  Every  person 
who  had  undertaken  to  enroll  volunteers  in  the 
Illinois  had  been  presented  with  a  stand  of 
colors  and  these,  ten  or  twelve  in  number,  they 
had  brought  along  with  them.  We  now  dis- 
132 


played  these  to  the  best  possible  advantage, 
and  since  the  plain  through  which  we  were 
marching  was  not  perfectly  level  but  was  dotted 
with  elevations  rising  seven  or  eight  feet  above 
the  common  level  and  running  in  an  oblique 
direction  to  our  line  of  march  towards  the  town, 
we  took  advantage  of  one  of  these  to  march 
our  men  along  the  low  ground  so  that  only  the 
colors  (which  had  been  fixed  to  long  poles  pro- 
cured for  the  purpose)  could  be  seen  above  the 
height.  While  we  lay  on  Warriors'  Island  our 
young  Frenchmen  had  decoyed  and  captured 
several  hunters  with  their  horses;  I  therefore 
caused  our  officers,  mounted  on  these,  to  ride 
in  and  out  in  order  more  completely  to  deceive 
the  enemy.  In  this  manner  we  advanced, 
directing  our  march  in  such  fashion  that  dark- 
ness fell  before  we  had  proceeded  more  than 
half  way  to  the  town.  We  then  suddenly  al- 
tered our  direction  and  crossed  some  ponds 
where  they  could  not  suspect  our  presence. 
About  eight  o'clock  we  gained  the  heights  in 
the  rear  of  the  town.  There  being  still  no 
enemy  in  sight,  I  became  impatient  to  solve 
the  mystery.  I  ordered  Lieutenant  Bailey  with 
fourteen  men  to  advance  and  open  fire  on  the 
fort  while  the  main  body  moved  in  a  different 
direction  and  took  possession  of  the  strongest 
part  of  the  town.  The  firing  now  commenced 
against  the  fort,  but  since  drunken  Indians  often 
saluted  it  after  nightfall,  the  garrison  did  not 
suppose  it  to  be  from  an  enemy  until  one  of 


Conquest  of 


the  men,  lighting  his  match,  was  shot  down 
through  a  porthole.  The  drums  now  sounded 
and  the  conflict  was  fairly  joined  on  both  sides. 
I  sent  reinforcements  to  assist  in  the  attack  on 
the  garrison,  while  other  dispositions  were 
being  made  in  the  town. 

We  now  found  that  the  garrison  had  known 
nothing  of  our  approach.  Having  finished  the 
fort  that  evening,  they  had  indulged  in  games 
for  a  time  and  then  retired  just  before  the  ar- 
rival of  my  letter.  As  it  was  almost  time  for 
roll  call  when  its  terms  were  made  known  many 
of  the  inhabitants  were  afraid  to  show  them- 
selves outside  their  houses  and  not  one  had 
dared  to  inform  the  garrison.  Our  friends, 
meanwhile,  had  rushed  to  the  commons  and 
other  convenient  places  from  which  to  view 
the  pleasing  sight  afforded  by  our  approach. 
The  garrison  had  noticed  this  action  and  in- 
quired the  reason  for  it,  but  a  satisfactory  ex- 
cuse had  been  offered  and  since  a  portion  of 
the  town  lay  between  our  line  of  march  and 
the  fort  we  had  not  been  seen  by  the  sentinels  on 
the  walls.  Some  time  before  this  Captain  W. 
Shannon41  and  another  man  had  been  captured 
by  one  of  their  scouting  parties  and  brought  to 
the  fort  that  same  evening.  This  party  had 
discovered  some  signs  of  us  at  the  Sugar  Camp 
and,  supposing  it  to  be  a  party  of  observation 

41  Captain  William  Shannon  was  commissary  and 
quartermaster  of  the  Illinois  battalion. 

134 


which  intended  to  land  on  the  height  some  dis- 
tance below  the  town,  Captain  La  Mothe42  had 
been  sent  to  intercept  them.  When  the  people 
were  asked  the  reason  of  their  unusual  excite- 
ment they  had  said  they  were  looking  at  him. 
Several  persons  whose  loyalty  was  under 
suspicion  had  been  imprisoned  in  the  fort, 
among  them  Mr.  Moses  Henry.43  Under  the 
pretense  of  carrying  some  provisions  to  him 
Mrs.  Henry  went  and  whispered  to  him  the 
news  of  our  arrival  and  what  she  had  seen. 
This  Mr.  Henry  conveyed  to  his  fellow  pris- 
oners. It  gave  them  much  pleasure,  particu- 
larly Captain  Helm,  who  amused  himself 
greatly  during  the  siege  and  I  believe  did  much 
damage.  We  had  a  scanty  supply  of  ammu- 

42  Guillaume  La  Mothe  was  a  native  of  Canada  who 
subsequent  to  the  French  and  Indian  War  became  a 
trader  in  the  neighborhood  of  Detroit.     In  1777  he 
became  captain  of  a  scouting  party,  and  the  following 
year  accompanied  Hamilton  to  Vincennes.     With 
his  chief  he  was  sent  prisoner  by  Clark  to  Virginia, 
where  he  was  kept  in  close  confinement  until  ex- 
changed in  1781.    He  returned  to  the  Northwest  and 
from  1792  to  1796  served  as  interpreter  at  Mackinac. 
When  the  Americans  took  over  the  place  in  1796, 
La  Mothe  retired  with  the  British  to  St.  Joseph,  where 
he  died  in  1799. 

43  Henry  was  a  resident  of  Vincennes.    Clark  made 
him  Indian  agent  and  Henry  shortly  accompanied  an 
expedition  up  the  Wabash  to  capture  a  British  convoy. 
In  1781  Henry  was  still  living  in  Vincennes,  where 
he  died  at  some  time  prior  to  1790,  leaving  a  widow 
and  children. 

135 


Conquest  of 


nition  since  most  of  our  stores  had  been  put 
on  board  the  galley.  Though  her  crew  were 
small  such  a  reinforcement  would  have  been 
invaluable  to  us  at  this  juncture.  Fortunately, 
however,  at  the  time  it  had  been  announced 
that  all  of  the  goods  in  the  town  were  to  be 
seized  for  the  King's  use  (the  owners  were  to 
receive  bills  of  credit  in  return),  Colonel  Le 
Gras,  Major  Bosseron,  and  others  had  buried 
the  greater  part  of  their  powder  and  ball .  This 
ammunition  was  immediately  produced  and  we 
found  ourselves  well  supplied  by  these  gentle- 
men. The  Tobacco's  son,  being  in  town  with 
a  number  of  his  warriors,  immediately  mustered 
them  and  indicated  a  desire  to  join  us,  saying 
that  by  morning  he  would  have  a  hundred  men. 
I  thanked  him  for  his  friendly  disposition  but 
told  him  we  were  already  strong  enough  and 
desired  him  to  refrain.  I  said  we  would  discuss 
the  matter  in  the  morning,  but  since  we  knew 
there  were  a  number  of  Indians  hostile  to  us 
in  and  about  the  town  some  confusion  might 
result  if  our  men  should  mix  in  the  dark.  I 
expressed  the  hope  that  we  might  be  favored 
with  his  counsel  and  company  during  the  night 
and  this  proved  agreeable  to  him. 

The  garrison  was  now  completely  surrounded 
and  the  firing  continued  without  intermission 
(except  for  about  fifteen  minutes  shortly  before 
dawn)  until  nine  o'clock  the  following  morn- 
ing. Our  entire  force,  with  the  exception  of 
fifty  men  kept  as  a  reserve  in  case  of  some 
136 


emergency,  participated  in  the  attack,  being 
joined  by  a  few  young  men.  I  had  acquainted 
myself  fully  with  the  situation  of  the  fort  and 
town  and  had  detailed  information  concerning 
each  of  them.  The  cannon  were  on  the  upper 
floors  of  strong  blockhouses  located  at  each 
angle  of  the  fort  eleven  feet  above  the  ground, 
and  the  portholes  were  so  badly  cut  that  our 
troops  lay  under  their  fire  within  twenty  or  thirty 
yards  of  the  walls.  The  enemy  did  no  damage 
except  to  the  buildings  of  the  town,  some  of 
which  were  badly  shattered,  while  their  musket 
fire  in  the  dark  was  employed  in  vain  against 
woodsmen  who  were  sheltered  behind  the  pal- 
ings of  the  houses  (the  gardens  of  Vincennes 
were  close  to  the  fort  and  for  about  two-thirds 
of  the  way  around  them  were  fenced  with  good 
pickets  firmly  set  in  the  ground  and  about  six 
feet  high.  Where  these  were  lacking  breast- 
works for  the  troops  were  soon  made  by  tear- 
ing down  old  houses  and  garden  fences,  so  that 
the  troops  within  the  fort  enjoyed  but  little 
advantage  over  those  outside;  and  not  knowing 
the  number  of  the  enemy,  they  thought  them- 
selves in  a  worse  situation  than  they  actually 
were),  river  banks,  and  ditches,  and  did  us  no 
damage  except  for  the  wounding  of  a  man  or 
two. 

Since  we  could  not  afford  to  lose  any  of  our 
men,  great  pains  were  taken  to  keep  them 
sufficiently  sheltered  and  to  maintain  a  hot  fire 
against  the  fort  in  order  to  intimidate  the  enemy 


€fje  Conquest  of 


as  well  as  to  destroy  them.  The  embrasures 
for  their  cannon  were  frequently  closed,  for  our 
riflemen  finding  the  true  direction  would  pour 
in  such  volleys  when  they  were  open  that  the 
artillerymen  could  not  stand  to  the  guns. 
Seven  or  eight  of  them  were  shot  down  in  a 
short  time.  Our  men  frequently  taunted  the 
enemy  in  order  to  provoke  them  into  opening 
the  portholes  and  firing  the  cannon  so  that  they 
might  have  the  pleasure  of  cutting  them  down 
with  their  rifles.  Fifty  rifles  would  be  leveled 
the  instant  the  port  flew  open,  and  had  the 
garrison  stood  to  their  artillery  most  of  them, 
I  believe,  would  have  been  destroyed  during 
the  night  as  the  greater  part  of  our  men,  lying 
within  thirty  yards  of  the  walls,  and  behind 
some  houses,  were  as  well  sheltered  as  those 
within  the  fort  and  were  much  more  expert  in 
this  mode  of  fighting.  The  enemy  fired  at  the 
flash  of  our  guns,  but  our  men  would  change 
their  positions  the  moment  they  had  fired. 
On  the  instant  of  the  least  appearance  at  one 
of  their  loopholes  a  dozen  guns  would  be  fired 
at  it.  At  times  an  irregular  fire  as  hot  as 
could  be  maintained  was  poured  in  from  dif- 
ferent directions  for  several  minutes.  This 
would  be  continually  succeeded  by  a  scattering 
fire  at  the  portholes  and  a  great  uproar  and 
laughter  would  be  raised  by  the  reserve  parties 
in  different  parts  of  the  town  to  give  the  im- 
pression that  they  had  only  fired  on  the  fort 
for  a  few  minutes  for  amusement,  while  those 
138 


who  were  keeping  up  a  continuous  fire  were 
being  regularly  relieved. 

Conduct  such  as  this  kept  the  garrison  in  a 
constant  state  of  alarm.  They  did  not  know 
what  moment  they  might  be  stormed  or  sapped 
as  they  could  plainly  see  that  we  had  thrown 
up  entrenchments  across  the  streets  and  we 
frequently  appeared  to  be  busily  engaged  on 
the  bank  of  the  river,  which  was  within  thirty 
feet  of  the  wall.  We  knew  the  location  of  the 
magazine  and  Captain  Bowman  began  some 
work  designed  to  blow  it  up  when  our  artillery 
should  arrive.  Knowing  that  we  were  daily 
liable  to  be  overpowered  by  the  numerous  bands 
of  Indians  on  the  river  in  case  they  should 
again  heartily  join  the  enemy  (as  to  the  likeli- 
hood of  which  we  were  yet  uninformed)  we 
resolved  to  lose  no  time,  but  to  gain  possession 
of  the  fort  as  soon  possible.  Unless  the  vessel 
should  arrive  sooner,  we  determined  to  under- 
mine the  fort  the  following  night  and  fixed 
upon  the  spot  and  the  plan  of  executing  this 
work,  which  we  intended  to  begin  the  next 
day. 

The  Indians  belonging  to  the  different  hostile 
tribes  had  left  the  town  and  neighborhood  but 
Captain  La  Mothe  still  hovered  about,  waiting 
an  opportunity  to  make  good  his  way  into  the 
fort.  Parties  of  our  men  attempted  in  vain 
to  surprise  him,  although  a  few  of  his  men 
were  captured,  among  them  one  Maisonville, 
a  famous  Indian  partisan.  Two  lads  who  had 

139 


captured  him  led  him  to  a  position  in  the 
street  and  fought  from  behind  him  as  a  breast- 
work, supposing  the  enemy  would  not  fire  at 
them  for  fear  of  killing  him.  An  officer  who 
discovered  them  at  this  amusement  ordered 
them  to  untie  him  and  take  him  away  under 
guard.  This  they  did,  but  were  so  inhuman 
as  to  remove  part  of  his  scalp  on  the  way,  but 
did  him  no  other  harm.44  Since  almost  all  of 
those  who  were  most  active  in  the  department 
of  Detroit  were  either  inside  the  fort  or  with 
Captain  La  Mothe  I  became  uneasy  for  fear 
he  would  not  fall  into  our  hands  since  I  knew 
he  would  retire  if  he  could  not  effect  his  pur- 
pose in  the  course  of  the  night.  Perceiving 
that  unless  some  unforeseen  accident  should 
occur  the  fort  must  inevitably  be  ours,  and 
that  a  reinforcement  of  twenty  men,  although 
considerable  to  them,  could  not  be  of  any  great 
moment  to  us  in  the  present  posture  of  our 
affairs,  and  knowing  that  we  had  weakened 
them  by  killing  or  wounding  many  of  their 
gunners,  I  concluded  after  some  deliberation 

^Governor  Hamilton,  in  his  official  report,  states 
that  Maisonville  was  betrayed  into  Clark's  hands  by 
his  cousin;  and  that  the  scalping  was  committed  by 
a  soldier  acting  under  Clark's  orders  to  scalp  him 
and  that  these  were  relaxed  upon  the  appeal  of  a 
brother  of  Maisonville  —  who  had  attached  himself 
to  the  Americans.  Maisonville  was  sent  with  Hamil- 
ton to  prison  in  Virginia.  The  hardships  and  ill 
treatment  he  endured  there  so  wrought  upon  his 
mind  that  he  finally  sought  escape  from  them  by 
committing  suicide. 

140 


to  risk  the  reinforcement  in  preference  to  his 
going  again  among  the  Indians.  I  knew  the 
garrison  had  at  least  a  month's  supply  of  pro- 
visons  and  if  it  could  hold  out  he  might  in  the 
course  of  this  time  do  us  great  damage. 

Shortly  before  dawn  the  troops  were  with- 
drawn from  the  fort,  except  for  a  few  obser- 
vation parties,  and  the  firing  totally  ceased. 
Orders  were  given  that  in  case  La  Mothe 
should  approach  not  to  alarm  or  fire  on  him 
without  the  certainty  of  killing  or  capturing 
the  whole  party.  Within  less  than  a  quarter 
of  an  hour  he  passed  within  ten  feet  of  an 
officer  and  small  party  of  men  who  were  lying 
concealed.  Ladders  were  thrown  over  the 
walls  of  the  fort  and  as  they  mounted  them 
our  party  raised  a  shout.  Many  of  them  fell 
from  the  top  of  the  wall,  some  inside  and  some 
outside  the  fort,  but  as  we  did  not  fire  on  them 
they  all  got  over  to  the  great  joy  of  their 
friends.  This  was  readily  perceived  by  us  but 
I  had  no  doubt  that  on  consideration  they 
must  be  convinced  that  it  was  a  stratagem  of 
ours  to  let  them  into  the  fort  and  that  we 
were  so  strong  as  to  feel  little  concern  for 
them. 

While  getting  into  the  fort  our  men  hallooed 
and  made  sport  of  them,  at  the  same  time  with- 
holding their  fire,  and  our  most  blatant  soldiers 
frequently  told  them  of  our  stratagem  and  our 
reason  for  suffering  them  to  enter  the  fort. 
This,  on  reflection,  they  must  have  believed  ; 
141 


Conquest  of 


but  we  knew  that  their  knowledge  of  it  could 
now  do  us  no  damage  while  it  would  serve  to 
intimidate  them.  Notwithstanding,  the  garri- 
son appeared  much  elated  over  the  recovery 
of  a  valuable  officer  and  party. 

The  firing  immediately  recommenced  with 
redoubled  vigor  on  both  sides  and  I  do  not  be- 
lieve that  more  noise  could  possibly  have  been 
made  by  an  equal  number  of  men.  Their 
shouting  could  not  be  heard  amid  the  discharge 
of  the  muskets,  and  a  continual  line  of  fire 
around  the  garrison  was  maintained  until 
shortly  before  daylight,  when  our  troops  were 
withdrawn  to  positions  that  had  been  prepared 
for  them  sixty  to  one  hundred  yards  from  the 
fort.  Scarcely  could  a  loophole  be  darkened 
by  the  garrison  when  a  rifle  ball  would  pass 
through  it,  and  for  them  to  have  stood  to  their 
cannon  would  have  entailed  the  useless  destruc- 
tion of  their  men.  In  this  respect  the  situation 
of  the  two  parties  was  much  the  same.  It 
would  have  been  imprudent  in  either  to  have 
wasted  men  unless  some  decisive  stroke  should 
require  it. 

Thus  the  attack  continued  until  nine  o'clock 
on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-fourth.  Learn- 
ing that  the  two  prisoners  they  had  brought 
in  the  day  before  had  a  considerable  number 
of  letters  with  them  I  supposed  it  to  be  an 
express  whose  arrival  we  were  expecting  about 
this  time  and  which  I  knew  to  be  of  the  great- 
est importance  to  us  as  we  had  not  received 
142 


any  message  since  our  arrival  in  this  country. 
Not  being  fully  acquainted  with  the  character 
of  our  enemy  I  was  afraid  these  papers  might 
be  destroyed.  To  prevent  this  I  sent  a  flag 
of  truce  to  the  garrison  to  demand  of  Governor 
Hamilton  that  he  should  not  destroy  the  papers, 
throwing  out  some  threats  in  case  he  should 
do  so  in  the  event  his  garrison  should  fall  into 
my  hands.  He  answered  that  they  were  not 
disposed  to  be  awed  into  anything  unbecoming 
British  subjects.  The  firing  was  warmly  re- 
newed for  a  considerable  space  of  time  and  we 
were  obliged  to  take  pains  to  prevent  our  men 
from  exposing  themselves  unduly.  Having 
refreshed  themselves  during  the  flag  of  truce, 
they  were  greatly  animated  and  frequently  ex- 
pressed the  desire  to  storm  the  fort  and  put 
an  end  to  the  post  at  once.  This,  however, 
would  have  been  at  this  time  a  piece  of  rash- 
ness. Our  troops  warmed  to  their  work  and 
poured  a  heavy  fire  into  the  fort  through  every 
crack  that  could  be  discovered.  Several  of 
the  garrison  were  wounded  and  it  was  quite 
impossible  to  stand  near  the  embrasures. 

Towards  evening  a  flag  of  truce  appeared 
with  the  following  proposals.45  I  was  greatly 

45  Hamilton's  proposal,  as  recorded  in  Major  Bow- 
man's journal,  was  as  follows:  "Lt.  Gov.  Hamilton 
proposes  to  Col.  Clark  a  truce  for  three  days  during 
which  time  he  promises  there  shall  be  no  defensive 
works  carried  on  in  the  Garrison  on  condition  Col. 
Clark  shall  observe  on  his  part  a  like  cessation  of  any 
offensive  work,  that  he  wishes  to  confer  with  Col. 

143 


of 


at  a  loss  to  conceive  what  reason  Governor 
Hamilton  could  have  for  wishing  a  truce  of 
three  days  on  such  terms  as  he  proposed. 
Many  said  it  was  a  stratagem  to  obtain  posses- 
sion of  me.  I  thought  differently  and  had  no 
idea  that  he  entertained  such  a  sentiment,  as 
an  act  of  that  nature  would  infallibly  ruin  him. 
I  was  convinced  he  had  some  prospect  of 
succor  or  of  extricating  himself  from  his  pre- 
dicament in  some  way.  Although  we  had 
every  reason  to  expect  a  reinforcement  in  less 
than  three  days  that  would  at  once  put  an  end 
to  the  siege,  I  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  agree 
to  the  proposal  and  returned  the  following 
answer.46 

We  met  at  the  church  about  eighty  yards 
from  the  fort,  Governor  Hamilton,  Major 

Clark  as  soon  as  can  be  and  further  proposes  that 
whatever  may  pass  between  them  two  and  any  other 
Person  mutually  agreed  upon  to  be  present,  shall 
remain  a  secret  till  matters  be  finally  concluded — • 
as  he  wishes  that  whatever  the  result  of  their  may  be 
(it  may  redound)  to  the  honor  and  credit  of  each 
party — If  Col.  Clark  makes  a  difficulty  of  coming 
into  the  fort  Lt.  Gov.  Hamilton  will  speak  to  him 
before  the  Gate." 

46  The  answer  is  recorded  in  Major  Bowman's  jour- 
nal as  follows:  "Col.  Clark's  compliments  to  Mr. 
Hamilton  and  begs  leave  to  inform  him  that  Col. 
Clark  will  not  agree  to  any  other  terms  than  that  of 
Mr.  Hamilton's  surrendering  himself  and  Garrison 
Prisoners  at  discretion  if  Mr.  Hamilton  is  desirous 
of  a  conference  with  Col.  Clark  he  will  meet  him  at 
the  Church  with  Capt.  Helm." 

144 


Hay47,  superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs,  Cap- 
tain Helm,  who  was  his  prisoner,  Major  Bow- 
man, and  myself,  and  the  conference  began. 
Governor  Hamilton  produced  articles  of  capit- 
ulation containing  various  provisions,  one  of 
which  was  that  the  garrison  should  be  sur- 
rendered on  being  permitted  to  go  to  Pensacola 
on  parole.  After  deliberating  on  every  article 
I  rejected  the  whole  proposal.  Hamilton  then 
desired  me  to  make  some  proposition.  I  told 
him  I  had  no  offer  to  make  other  than  I  had 
already  done,  that  they  surrender  themselves 
as  prisoners  unconditionally.  I  observed  that 
his  troops  had  behaved  with  spirit,  and  without 
viewing  us  as  savages  they  could  not  suppose 
they  would  be  treated  the  worse  in  consequence. 
If  he  chose  to  comply  with  my  demand,  the 
sooner  he  should  do  so  the  better,  as  it  was  in 

47John  Hay,  the  detestation  of  whom  by  the  Ameri- 
cans is  well  shown  in  the  following  pages,  was  a 
native  of  Pennsylvania  who  enlisted  in  the  sixtieth 
American  Regiment  during  the  French  and  Indian 
War  and  in  1762  was  sent  to  the  Detroit  frontier. 
He  served  in  Pontiac's  War  and  thereafter  entered 
the  British  Indian  department.  In  1776,  he  became 
deputy  Indian  agent  and  major  of  the  Detroit  militia. 
He  was  Governor  Hamilton's  chief  assistant  during 
the  latter's  contest  with  Clark  which  ended  with  the 
capture  of  Vincennes  by  the  Americans.  Hay  went 
with  Hamilton  to  a  Virginia  dungeon  and  toward  the 
close  of  the  war  he  was  released,  and  making  his  way 
to  Quebec  was  appointed  lieutenant-governor  at 
Detroit.  He  had  performed  the  duties  of  this  office 
only  about  a  year,  however,  when  his  career  was  cut 
short  by  death  in  1785. 

145 


Conquest  of 


vain  for  him  to  make  any  counter  proposition. 
He  must  know  by  this  time  that  the  fort  would 
fall  and  that  both  of  us  must  regard  all  blood 
that  might  still  be  spilled  as  murder  on  the 
part  of  the  garrison.  My  troops  were  already 
impatient  and  begging  for  permission  to  storm 
the  fort.  If  such  a  step  were  taken  many  of 
course  would  be  cut  down,  and  the  conse- 
quences of  an  enraged  body  of  woodsmen 
breaking  into  the  fort  must  be  obvious  to  him. 
It  would  be  beyond  the  power  of  an  Ameri- 
can officer  to  save  a  single  man. 

Various  arguments  were  exchanged  for  a 
considerable  period  of  time.  Captain  Helm 
attempted  to  moderate  my  fixed  determination, 
but  I  told  him  he  was  a  British  prisoner  and 
it  was  doubtful  whether  he  could  with  propriety 
speak  on  the  subject.  Governor  Hamilton 
then  said  that  Captain  Helm  was  liberated  from 
that  moment  and  might  act  according  to  his 
pleasure.  I  told  the  Captain  I  would  not  re- 
ceive him  on  such  terms;  that  he  must  return 
to  the  fort  and  await  his  fate.  I  told  the 
Governor  we  would  not  begin  hostilities  until 
a  minute  after  the  drums  should  give  the  alarm. 
We  took  leave  of  each  other  and  parted,  but 
I  had  gone  only  a  few  steps  when  the  Gov- 
ernor stopped  me  and  politely  asked  if  I  would 
be  kind  enough  to  give  him  my  reasons  for 
refusing  any  other  terms  than  those  I  had  of- 
fered to  the  garrison.  I  told  him  I  had  no  ob- 
jection to  giving  him  my  real  reason,  which 
146 


simply  was  that  I  knew  the  greater  part  of  the 
principal  Indian  partisans  of  Detroit  were  with 
him  and  I  desired  to  be  free  to  put  them  to 
death  or  treat  them  in  any  other  way  I  might 
think  proper.  I  said  that  the  cries  of  the 
widows  and  the  fatherless  they  had  occasioned 
upon  the  frontiers  now  required  their  blood  at 
my  hands  and  I  did  not  choose  to  be  so  timor- 
ous as  to  disobey  the  absolute  command  of 
their  authority,  which  I  regarded  as  next  to 
divine.  I  said  I  would  rather  lose  fifty  men 
than  to  surrender  the  power  properly  to  exe- 
cute this  piece  of  business.  If  he  chose  to 
risk  the  massacre  of  his  garrison  for  their  sakes 
it  was  his  own  affair  and  I  might  perhaps  take 
it  into  my  head  to  send  for  some  of  those 
widows  to  see  it  executed. 

I  had  observed  growing  distrust  in  the 
countenance  of  Major  Hay,  who  was  paying 
close  attention,  and  this  in  great  measure  in- 
fluenced my  conversation.  Upon  my  conclud- 
ing, "Pray,  sir,"  said  he,  "who  is  it  that  you 
call  Indian  partisans?"  "Sir,"  I  replied,  "I 
take  Major  Hay  to  be  one  of  the  principal 
ones."  I  never  saw  a  man  in  the  moment  of 
execution  so  stricken  as  he  appeared  to  be, 
pale  and  trembling,  and  scarcely  able  to  stand. 
Governor  Hamilton  blushed  and  was,  I  observ- 
ed, much  affected  at  this  behavior  in  my 
presence.  Captain  Bowman's  countenance 
sufficiently  disclosed  his  disdain  for  the  one 
and  his  sorrow  for  the  other.  I  viewed  the 

147 


Conquest  of 


whole  procedure  with  such  sentiments  as  I  sup- 
pose are  natural  to  some  men  under  such  cir- 
cumstances. Some  moments  passed  without 
a  word  being  exchanged  on  either  side.  From 
that  moment  my  resolution  respecting  Gov- 
ernor Hamilton's  situation  changed.  I  told 
him  we  would  return  to  our  respective  posts 
when  I  would  reconsider  the  matter  and  let 
him  know  the  result.  If  we  should  decide  to 
make  any  other  proposal  than  that  of  surrender 
at  discretion  he  should  be  informed  of  it  by  a 
flag  of  truce.  In  the  contrary  event,  he  should 
be  on  his  guard  at  the  beat  of  the  drum.  In 
the  meantime  no  offensive  measures  should  be 
taken.  This  was  agreed  to  and  we  parted. 
On  reporting  to  our  officers  what  had  passed 
at  the  conference  it  was  agreed  that  we  should 
modify  our  demands  and  the  following  articles 
were  sent  to  the  garrison  and  an  answer  was 
immediately  returned.  The  affair  being  now 
nearly  concluded  troops  were  posted  in  several 
strong  houses  around  the  garrison  and  a  patrol 
was  kept  up  during  the  night  to  prevent  any 
deception.  The  remainder  of  the  troops  not 
on  duty  lay  on  their  arms  and  for  the  first  time 
in  many  days  obtained  some  rest. 

While  the  conference  was  being  held  a  party 
of  about  twenty  warriors,  who  had  been  sent 
to  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  for  scalps  and  prison- 
ers, were  discovered  returning.  As  no  firing 
was  going  on  at  the  time  they  entered  the 
plain  near  the  town,  they  had  no  suspicion  of 
148 


the  presence  of  an  enemy.  Captain  John 
Williams  was  ordered  to  go  out  to  meet  them. 
The  Indians,  supposing  it  to  be  a  party  of  their 
friends  who  had  come  to  welcome  them,  gave 
the  scalp  and  war  whoop  and  came  on  with  all 
the  parade  of  successful  warriors.  Williams' 
party  conducted  itself  in  like  fashion.  Com- 
ing closer,  the  Indians  fired  a  volley  in  the  air, 
to  which  Captain  Williams  replied  in  kind. 
When  they  were  within  a  few  steps  of  each 
other  the  chief  stopped  as  if  suspicious  of 
something  wrong.  Captain  Williams  imme- 
diatley  seized  him,  whereupon  the  others,  per- 
ceiving their  mistake,  turned  in  flight.  Fifteen 
of  them  were  killed  or  captured,  however. 
Two  British  partisans  attached  to  their  party 
were  killed  and  two  men  who  proved  to  be 
American  prisoners  in  their  hands  were  releas- 
ed. The  Indians  who  had  been  taken  by  the 
soldiers  were  tomahawked  and  their  bodies 
thrown  into  the  river.  We  afterward  learned 
that  but  one  man  of  the  entire  party  ever  re- 
turned to  his  tribe,  so  that  in  all  seventeen 
must  have  been  destroyed  by  us.  We  knew 
that  nearly  all  of  them  were  badly  wounded, 
but  as  we  had  an  enemy  of  more  importance 
than  they  were  to  contend  with  we  could  spare 
no  time  for  pursuit,  and  Captain  Williams 
allowed  his  men  but  a  few  minutes  for  execut- 
ing the  business  before  recalling  them .  Under 
these  circumstances  those  Indians  who  were 
not  killed  or  taken  immediately  got  off. 
149 


Conquest  of 


One  reason  that  I  had  for  not  wishing  to 
receive  the  garrison  until  the  following  morning 
was  that  it  was  late  in  the  evening  before  the 
capitulation  was  signed,  and  in  view  of  the 
number  of  prisoners  we  should  have  in  com- 
parison with  our  own  small  force  I  felt  the 
need  of  daylight  to  arrange  matters  to  our 
advantage.  Knowing  that  we  could  now  pre- 
vent any  misfortune  happening,  as  we  could 
now  dispose  our  troops  so  as  to  render  the 
fort  almost  useless  for  defense,  I  thought  it 
prudent  to  let  the  British  troops  remain  in  it 
until  morning.  We  should  not  have  been  so 
suspicious  as  to  take  so  much  precaution,  but 
I  must  confess  I  could  not  help  but  doubt  the 
honor  of  men  who  could  condescend  to  en- 
courage the  barbarity  of  the  Indians.  Al- 
though almost  every  man  had  conceived  a  very 
favorable  opinion  of  Governor  Hamilton  (and 
I  believed  that  what  affected  myself  made  some 
impression  on  the  whole)  I  was  happy  to  find 
that  while  he  stayed  with  us  he  never  deviated 
from  that  conduct  that  became  an  officer  in 
his  situation. 

On  the  morning  of  the  twenty-fifth  arrange- 
ments were  made  for  receiving  the  garrison, 
and  about  ten  o'clock  it  was  surrendered  with 
due  formality  and  everything  was  immediately 
arranged  by  me  to  the  best  possible  advantage. 
On  first  viewing  the  interior  of  the  fort  and  its 
stores  I  was  astonished  at  its  being  surrendered 
in  the  manner  it  had  been.  However,  it  was 
150 


a  prudent  and  lucky  circumstance  which  prob- 
ably saved  the  lives  of  many  men  on  both  sides 
since  on  the  preceding  night  we  had  inclined 
to  attempt  to  undermine  it  and  I  found  it 
would  have  required  great  diligence  on  the  part 
of  the  garrison  to  have  prevented  us  from 
succeeding.  I  found,  too,  on  further  examina- 
tion, that  our  information  concerning  the  inter- 
ior arrangements  was  so  good  that  in  all 
probability  the  first  hot  shot  after  the  arrival 
of  our  artillery  would  have  blown  up  the  mag- 
azine. This  would  at  once  have  put  an  end 
to  the  siege  since  the  situation  of  the  magazine 
and  the  quantity  of  powder  it  contained  were 
such  that  its  explosion  must  have  destroyed 
the  greater  part  of  the  garrison. 

Notwithstanding  our  success  thus  far  our  posi- 
tion was  still  one  of  great  difficulty.  The  num- 
ber of  prisoners  we  had  taken,  added  to  those 
of  the  surrendered  garrison,  was  so  consider- 
able in  comparison  with  our  own  numbers  that 
I  was  at  a  loss  so  to  dispose  of  them  as  not  to 
interfere  with  our  future  operations.  Detroit 
lay  open  to  our  attack  with  not  more  than 
eighty  men  in  the  fort,  and  a  great  part  of 
these  invalids.  Moreover,  we  learned  that  a 
considerable  number  of  the  principal  inhabi- 
tants were  disaffected  to  the  British  cause, 
while  the  distance  of  the  fort  from  any  succor 
except  at  the  hands  of  the  Indians  was  very 
great.  Those  Indians  on  our  route  we  knew 
would  now  be  cooler  than  ever  towards  the 


Conquest  of 


English.  This  matter  was  never  rightly  under- 
stood by  the  Government  at  home,  or  if  it  was, 
the  execution  of  it  was  attempted  but  faintly. 
With  Detroit  in  our  possession  and  a  post  of 
communication  at  Cuyahoga  supplies  might 
always  have  been  easily  sent  from  Pittsburgh 
by  this  route  and  we  could  easily  have  taken 
possession  of  Lake  Erie.  This  would  have 
put  an  end  to  all  our  troubles  in  this  quarter, 
and  perhaps  have  opened  the  door  to  further 
advantageous  operations. 

Such  were  the  ideas  that  influenced  me  at  this 
time.  We  could  now  increase  our  forces  in  this 
quarter  to  about  four  hundred  men  since  al- 
most half  of  the  inhabitants  of  Vincennes  were 
ready  to  join  us.  Kentucky,  we  knew,  could 
immediately  furnish  some  two  hundred  men 
since  it  was  certain  that  section  would  receive 
a  large  number  of  settlers  in  the  spring.  Our 
own  stores,  which  we  had  learned  were  being 
forwarded  in  safety,  taken  in  conjunction  with 
those  of  the  British,  would  leave  not  a  single 
article  wanting  for  such  an  attempt  and  sup- 
plies of  provisions  might  be  had  for  some  time 
at  Detroit.  I  privately  resolved  to  embrace 
without  delay  the  object  that  seemed  to  court 
my  acceptance,  giving  the  enemy  no  time  to 
recover  from  the  blows  he  had  already  received. 
But  before  saying  anything  about  this  I  wished 
it  to  become  an  object  of  desire  to  the  soldiers 
and  townsmen.  It  became  at  once  the  com- 
mon topic  of  conversation  among  them,  and 

152 


within  a  few  days  matters  were  so  arranged 
that  in  imagination  they  were  almost  ready  to 
march.  The  employment  of  such  conversation 
was  discountenanced  by  me  and  steps  were 
taken  to  make  it  appear  that  such  an  attempt 
was  foreign  to  my  plans,  while  at  the  same  time 
every  step  was  taken  to  bring  about  the  result 
I  desired.  The  quantity  of  public  goods  brought 
from  Detroit  by  Governor  Hamilton,  added  to 
what  had  belonged  to  the  traders  of  Vincennes 
whom  we  had  captured,  was  very  great.  The 
entire  amount  was  immediately  divided  among 
the  soldiers  with  the  exception  of  some  Indian 
medals,  which  were  retained  to  be  of  some 
public  use.  The  officers  received  nothing  ex- 
cept a  few  articles  of  clothing  of  which  they 
stood  in  need.  The  soldiers  were  laden  with 
wealth  and  the  townsmen  envied  their  good 
fortune  and  wished  some  enterprise  might  be 
undertaken  which  would  enable  them  to  do 
something. 

Detroit  was  their  goal  and  the  clamor  now 
rose  to  a  great  height.  To  silence  it,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  answer  other  purposes,  I  told 
them  that  an  army  was  to  march  the  coming 
summer  from  Pittsburgh  against  Detroit,  al- 
though from  last  autumn's  proceedings  I  knew 
nothing  of  the  sort  was  to  be  apprehended. 
An  entire  company  of  Captain  La  Mothe's 
volunteers  from  Detroit,  mostly  composed  of 
young  men,  was  drawn  up.  While  they  were 
anticipating  being  sent  into  a  strange  country 


Conquest  of 


with  the  probability  of  never  returning  to  their 
homes,  I  told  them  we  were  happy  to  learn 
that  many  of  them  had  been  torn  from  their 
fathers  and  mothers  and  forced  to  go  on  this 
expedition;  while  others,  ignorant  of  the  true 
issue  at  stake,  had  engaged  in  the  conflict  in 
obedience  to  a  principle  which  actuates  many 
men,  that  of  being  fond  of  adventure.  They 
had  now  enjoyed  a  good  opportunity,  however, 
of  acquainting  themselves  fully  with  the  char- 
acter of  the  war,  which  they  were  now  in  a 
position  to  explain  to  their  friends.  Since  we 
knew  that  to  send  them  to  the  States,  where 
they  would  be  confined  in  jail,  probably  for 
the  duration  of  the  war,  would  make  a  large 
number  of  our  friends  at  Detroit  unhappy  we 
had  thought  proper  for  their  sakes  to  permit 
them  to  return  home. 

Much  was  said  to  them  along  this  line;  after 
which  they  were  discharged  in  a  body  upon 
taking  an  oath  not  to  bear  arms  against  America 
until  exchanged,  and  I  issued  an  order  for  their 
arms  and  boats  to  be  returned  to  them,  together 
with  provisions  for  the  return  journey.  Upon 
their  arrival  at  home  the  boats  were  to  be  sold 
and  the  proceeds  divided  among  them.  Within 
a  few  days  they  set  out  and  from  our  spies 
who  went  among  them  as  traders  we  learned 
that  they  played  havoc  with  the  British  interests 
on  their  return,  stating  publicly  that  while  they 
had  taken  an  oath  not  to  fight  against  America 
they  had  taken  none  to  refrain  from  fighting 

154 


for  us.  Things  were  carried  with  such  a  high 
hand  by  them  that  the  commanding  officer 
thought  it  prudent  to  take  no  notice  of  anything 
that  was  said  or  done.  Mrs.  McComb,  who 
kept  a  noted  boarding  house,  had  the  assurance, 
I  was  told,  to  show  the  commander  the  stores 
she  had  provided  for  the  Americans.  Thus 
was  realized  the  design  I  had  had  in  view  in  per- 
mitting this  company  to  return.  Many  others 
whom  we  could  trust  were  permitted  to  enlist 
in  the  corps,  so  that  our  burden  of  prisoners 
was  much  reduced. 

Learning  that  ten  boat  loads  of  goods  and 
provisions  were  daily  expected  to  descend  the 
Wabash  and  fearing  they  would  gain  intelli- 
gence of  the  situation  at  Vincennes  and  turn 
back,  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  the  month  I  sent 
Captain  Helm,  Major  Bosseron48  and  Major 
Le  Gras49  with  fifty  volunteers  in  three  armed 

^Francois  Bosseron  was  one  of  the  most  promi- 
nent citizens  of  Vincennes.  He  was  enrolled  in  the 
British  militia  forces,  but  on  the  advent  of  the  Ameri- 
cans gave  them  his  hearty  support.  He  served  with 
Captain  Helms  in  the  Wabash  expedition  of  1779, 
and  furnished  ammunition  for  the  invading  army. 
He  was  later  district  commandant  and  territorial 
judge,  dying  at  Vincennes  in  1791.  A  street  in 
Vincennes  still  bears  his  name. 

49J.  M.  P.  Le  Gras  was  a  prominent  merchant  of 
Vincennes  who  had  served  as  captain  of  militia  under 
the  British  regime.  He  sided  with  the  Americans 
upon  the  advent  of  Clark  in  Illinois  and  by  Clark  was 
made  major  and  later  colonel  of  militia.  In  June, 
1779,  he  was  appointed  president  of  the  local  court 
at  Vincennes. 

155 


Conquest  of 


boats  in  pursuit  of  them.  On  the  twenty- 
seventh  our  galley  arrived  safely  with  the  crew 
much  mortified  over  their  failure  to  be  in  time, 
although  they  were  deserving  of  great  credit 
for  their  diligence.  On  their  passage  they  had 
overtaken  William  Myers  with  an  express  from 
the  Government  at  home.  The  dispatches  he 
brought  gave  us  great  encouragement,  repre- 
senting that  our  own  battalion  was  to  be  com- 
pleted and  an  additional  one  was  to  come  out 
in  the  spring.  On  first  reading  this  gave  us 
both  pleasure  and  pain  but  in  the  end  resulted 
to  our  disadvantage.  I  had  but  a  day  or  two 
in  which  to  consider  the  situation  and  fix  on  a 
plan  of  operations.  Should  we  make  the  at- 
tempt on  Detroit  without  delay  we  were  almost 
certain  of  success,  since  we  knew  our  own 
strength  and  supplies  and  lacked  no  information 
concerning  that  post.  On  the  other  hand,  we 
were  now  flattered  with  the  prospect  of  an 
immediate  reinforcement. 

A  council  was  convened  on  the  subject.  I 
laid  before  the  officers  my  plans  for  the  im- 
mediate reduction  of  Detroit  and  explained 
the  practical  certainty  of  success  and  the  prob- 
ability of  our  retaining  possession  of  the  place 
until  they  could  secure  succor  from  the  States. 
This  we  might  reasonably  expect  they  would 
bend  every  effort  to  send  us  on  receiving  the 
news  of  the  capture,  which  we  could  easily 
convey  to  them  in  a  few  weeks.  On  the  other 
hand,  if  we  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  troops 
156 


mentioned  in  the  dispatch  the  enemy  might 
meanwhile  be  reinforced,  and  we  might  not  be 
as  well  prepared  to  carry  the  place  with  the 
addition  of  the  expected  reinforcement  as  we 
should  be  with  our  present  force  in  case  we 
were  to  make  the  attempt  now;  while  in  the 
event  of  being  disappointed  in  receiving  the 
promised  reinforcements  we  might  not  be  able 
to  effect  it  at  all. 

Various  arguments  were  employed  over  this 
delicate  question.  Every  one  appeared  anxious 
to  embrace  the  present  opportunity  while  pru- 
dence seemed  to  forbid  our  proceeding  without 
awaiting  the  reinforcement.  The  argument 
which  appeared  to  have  the  greatest  weight 
was  that  with  such  a  force  we  might  march 
boldly  through  the  Indian  country,  and  that 
this  would  produce  a  greater  effect  on  the  na- 
tives as  well  as  on  the  inhabitants  of  Detroit 
than  if  we  should  slip  off  with  our  present 
small  force  and  take  the  place  which  was  cer- 
tainly in  our  power.  It  was  urged  that  the 
British  would  not  care  to  weaken  Niagara  by 
sending  any  considerable  reinforcement  to  De- 
troit; that  it  was  more  difficult  for  them  to 
receive  aid  from  Canada  than  it  was  for  us  to 
obtain  it  from  the  States;  and  that  they  would 
be  unable  to  obtain  reinforcements  in  time  to 
prevent  the  execution  of  our  design,  since  we 
might  reasonably  expect  our  help  to  arrive 
within  a  few  weeks.  In  short,  the  enterprise 
was  postponed  until  the  of  June  when  we 


Conquest  of 


were  to  rendezvous  at  this  post.  In  the  mean- 
time provisions  were  to  be  procured  and  all 
possible  preparations  made  for  the  enterprise; 
while  to  conceal  our  design  our  whole  force  at 
Vincennes,  with  the  exception  of  a  small  gar- 
rison, should  immediately  return  to  the  Illinois 
while  orders  were  sent  to  the  Kentuckians  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  meet  with  us 
at  the  appointed  time.  This  was  now  our  plan, 
in  accordance  with  which  our  operations  the 
ensuing  spring  should  be  conducted. 

On  the  fifth  of  March  Captain  Helm  and 
Majors  Bosseron  and  Le  Gras  returned  from 
their  tour  up  river,  having  met  with  great  suc- 
cess. They  had  come  upon  the  enemy  in  the 
night  and,  observing  their  fires  at  a  distance,  had 
waited  until  all  was  quiet,  when  the  camp  was 
surrounded  and  the  entire  force  captured  with- 
out firing  a  gun.  These  men  had  felt  so  secure 
and  entertained  so  little  apprehension  of  an 
enemy  being  in  that  part  of  the  world  they 
could  hardly  persuade  themselves  that  what 
they  heard  and  saw  was  real .  It  proved  a  valuable 
capture,  comprising  seven  boats  loaded  with  a 
considerable  quantity  of  provisions  and  goods. 
The  provisions  were  taken  for  public  use,  while 
the  goods  were  divided  among  our  men,  with 
the  exception  of  about  eight  hundred  pounds 
worth  which  I  reserved  to  clothe  the  troops 
we  expected  shortly  to  receive.  This  was  quite 
agreeable  to  the  soldiers  since  I  told  them  the 
state  would  pay  them  their  share  in  money  and 
158 


they  had  an  ample  supply  of  goods.  The 
reservation  I  made  proved  useful,  for  the  few 
troops  that  came  to  us  were  on  their  arrival 
almost  naked. 

On  March  7  Captains  Williams  and  Rogers 
with  a  party  of  twenty-five  men  set  out  by 
water  to  conduct  the  British  officers  to  Ken- 
tucky; while  eighteen  privates  were  sent  along 
to  reduce  further  the  number  of  prisoners  in 
our  hands.  Captain  Rogers  was  instructed 
upon  their  arrival  at  the  Falls  to  superintend 
their  journey  to  Williamsburg,  take  care  that 
ample  supplies  should  be  furnished  them  en- 
route,  and  on  arrival  to  await  the  orders  of  the 
Governor.  Poor  Myers  was  killed  on  the  re- 
turn journey  and  his  dispatches  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy;  but  I  had  been  so  much 
on  my  guard  that  there  was  no  sentence  in 
them  which  could  harm  us  for  the  enemy  to 
know,  while  the  private  letters  from  the  sol- 
diers to  their  friends  at  home  were  designed 
rather  with  a  view  to  deception  in  the  event  of 
such  an  accident.  This  was  customary  with 
us  as  our  expresses  were  frequently  surprised. 
I  sent  a  second  dispatch  to  the  Governor, 
giving  him  a  short  but  full  account  of  what 
had  transpired  and  my  views  concerning  the 
situation.  My  copy  of  this  message  has  long 
been  lost,  along  with  many  other  papers, 
but  I  suppose  the  original  can  be  found  among 
the  public  papers  of  this  period.  I  sent  letters, 
also,  to  the  commandant  of  Kentucky,  directing 


of 


him  to  give  me  a  correct  but  secret  account  of 
the  number  of  men  he  could  furnish  in  June. 

The  weather  being  now  very  disagreeable, 
and  having  some  leisure,  our  time  was  spent  in 
consultation  and  in  arranging  matters  to  the 
best  advantage.  A  number  of  our  men  now 
became  sick.  Their  intrepidity  and  our  suc- 
cess had  kept  up  their  spirits  hitherto;  but  our 
activities  now  falling  off  to  little  more  than 
garrison  duty,  they  became  more  sensible  of 
the  pains  and  other  complaints  which  had  been 
contracted  during  the  severity  of  our  uncom- 
mon march.  To  these  many  of  those  valuable 
men  succumbed  while  but  few  of  the  remainder 
ever  entirely  recovered. 

As  yet  I  had  sent  no  message  to  the  Indian 
tribes,  preferring  to  wait  to  see  what  effect  all 
that  had  happened  would  have  on  them.  The 
Piankashaw,  being  of  the  tribe  of  the  To- 
bacco's son,  had  all  along  been  friendly  with 
us.  Some  of  the  behavior  of  this  grandee,  as 
he  regarded  himself,  was  diverting  enough. 
He  had  conceived  such  a  violent  attachment 
to  Colonel  Helm  that  on  finding  the  latter  a 
prisoner  and  we  not  being  able  as  yet  to  release 
him,  he  declared  himself  a  prisoner  also  and 
joined  his  brother  as  he  called  him,  remaining 
continually  with  him  and  condoling  over  their 
condition  as  prisoners  in  great  distress,  al- 
though at  the  same  time  nothing  was  wanting 
to  them  which  it  was  within  the  power  of  the 
garrison  to  supply.  Governor  Hamilton,  know- 
160 


ing  his  influence,  was  extremely  jealous  of  his 
behavior  and  employed  every  pains,  by  the 
giving  of  presents,  etc.,  to  win  him  over.  When 
anything  was  presented  him,  however,  he  would 
reply  that  it  would  serve  him  and  his  brother 
to  live  on  and  would  refuse  to  enter  into  coun- 
cil, saying  that  he  was  a  prisoner  and  had 
nothing  to  say,  but  that  he  was  in  hopes  that 
when  the  grass  grew  again  his  brothers,  the 
Big  Knives,  would  release  him  and  then  he 
would  be  free  to  talk.  Being  presented  with 
an  elegant  sword,  he  drew  it,  and  bending  the 
point  on  the  floor,  said  very  seriously  that  it 
would  serve  himself  and  his  brother  to  amuse 
themselves  sticking  frogs  while  they  were  in 
captivity.  In  short,  they  could  do  nothing 
with  him  and  the  moment  he  heard  of  our  ar- 
rival he  paraded  all  the  warriors  he  had  in  his  vil- 
lage (which  adjoined  Vincennes)  and  was  eager 
to  join  us  in  the  attack  on  the  fort,  but  for  the 
reasons  already  noted  I  desired  him  to  refrain. 
On  the  fifteenth  a  party  of  Chippewa,  of 
upper  Piankashaw,  Potawatomi,  and  Miami, 
made  their  appearance,  making  great  protes- 
tations of  their  attachment  to  the  Americans. 
They  begged  to  be  taken  under  the  cover  of 
our  wings,  and  that  the  roads  through  their 
land  might  be  made  straight  and  all  the  stum- 
bling blocks  removed;  and  they  asked  that  their 
friends,  the  neighboring  nations,  might  also 
be  regarded  in  the  same  light.  I  well  knew 
from  what  principle  all  this  sprang,  and  as  my 
161 


£i)f  Conquest  of 


eye  was  now  fixed  on  Detroit  it  was  my  con- 
cern to  make  a  clear  road  for  myself  to  walk 
in  without  giving  much  thought  to  their  inter- 
est or  anything  else  but  the  opening  of  this 
road,  whether  by  flattery,  deception,  or  any 
other  means.  I  told  them  I  was  glad  to  see 
them  and  was  happy  to  learn  that  most  of  the 
tribes  on  the  Wabash  and  Miami  Rivers  had 
proved  themselves  to  be  men  last  fall  by  adher- 
ing strictly  to  the  treaties  they  had  with  the 
Big  Knives,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  weak 
minds  who  had  been  deluded  by  the  English 
into  waging  war  against  us.  I  said  I  did  not 
know  exactly  who  they  were  nor  did  I  much 
care,  but  that  I  understood  they  were  a  band 
composed  of  the  off-scouring  of  almost  all  the 
tribes;  that  such  people,  mean  enough  to  sell 
their  country  for  a  shirt,  were  to  be  found 
among  all  nations  but  since  they  were  not 
worthy  the  attention  of  warriors  we  would  say 
no  more  about  them,  but  turn  to  subjects- more 
becoming  to  us.  I  told  them  I  would  let  the 
great  Council  of  the  Americans  know  of  their 
behavior  and  that  I  knew  they  would  be  counted 
as  friends  of  the  Big  Knives,  who  would  always 
keep  them  under  their  protection  and  safe- 
guard their  country  for  them  since  the  Big 
Knives  had  land  enough  and  did  not  want  any 
more;  but  if  they  should  ever  break  their  faith 
the  Big  Knives  would  never  trust  them  again 
since  they  never  retain  friendship  with  a  people 
whom  they  find  to  have  two  hearts.  I  said 
162 


they  were  witnesses  to  the  calamities  the  Brit- 
ish had  brought  upon  them  by  their  false  as- 
sertions and  their  presents,  which  were  a 
sufficient  proof  of  their  weakness.  They  had 
seen  all  the  boasted  valor  of  the  British  fall  to 
the  ground  and  that  they  did  not  come  out  of 
their  fort  the  other  day  to  save  the  Indians 
they  had  flattered  to  war  and  now  suffered  to 
be  killed  in  their  sight.  As  the  nature  of  the 
war  had  been  fully  explained  to  them  last  fall 
they  might  clearly  see  that  the  Great  Spirit 
did  not  suffer  it  otherwise.  Not  only  was 
this  the  case  on  the  Wabash  but  everywhere 
else  as  well.  They  might  rest  assured  that  the 
tribes  which  continued  obstinately  to  listen  to 
the  English  would  be  driven  out  of  the  country 
and  their  land  given  to  those  who  where  stead- 
fast friends  of  the  Americans.  I  said  I  ex- 
pected for  the  future  that  if  any  of  my  people 
should  be  going  to  war  through  their  country 
they  would  be  protected,  which  would  always 
be  the  case  with  their  people  when  among  us, 
and  that  mutual  confidence  should  continue  to 
exist  between  us. 

They  replied  that  they  were  convinced  from 
what  they  had  seen  and  heard  that  the  Master 
of  Life  had  a  hand  in  all  things.  They  said 
their  people  would  rejoice  on  their  return,  and 
that  they  would  take  pains  to  diffuse  what  they 
had  heard  throughout  all  the  tribes  and  they 
had  no  doubt  of  the  good  it  would  produce. 
After  a  long  speech  in  the  Indian  fashion,  call- 
163 


Conquest  of 


ing  all  the  spirits  as  witnesses,  they  concluded 
by  renewing  the  chain  of  friendship,  smoking 
the  sacred  pipe,  and  exchanging  belts  with  us; 
and  I  believe  they  went  off  really  well  pleased, 
although  unable  to  fathom  all  they  had  heard, 
the  greater  part  of  which  was  merely  political 
lies.  During  the  ensuing  summer  Captain  J. 
Shelby  with  his  single  company  lay  for  a  con- 
siderable time  in  the  Wea  town  in  the  heart 
of  their  country.  He  was  treated  in  the  most 
friendly  manner  by  all  the  natives  he  saw,  be- 
ing frequently  invited  by  them  to  join  them 
in  plundering  what  they  called  the  King's  pas- 
ture at  Detroit.  By  this  they  meant  to  go  and 
steal  horses  from  that  settlement.  About 
this  time  an  express  arrived  from  the  Illinois 
with  letters  from  Captain  Robert  George.80 
Matters  being  now  pretty  well  arranged,  I 

60  At  this  point  in  the  original  manuscript  a  blank 
half  page  occurs,  together  with  the  marginal  note, 
"Inquire  of  Captain  George,  J.  R.  C." 

Robert  George  is  believed  to  have  been  a  cousin 
of  Clark.  He  was  in  the  West  as  a  trader  as  early 
as  1777,  and  in  1778  accompanied  Captain  James 
Willings'  expedition  to  the  lower  Mississippi.  Early 
in  1779  Willing  sent  him  up  the  Mississippi  with 
forty  men  to  join  Clark,  and  the  party  arrived  at  Kas- 
kaskia  while  Clark  was  still  at  Vincennes.  George 
remained  in  the  West  until  the  close  of  the  Revolu- 
tion. He  later  settled  on  Clark's  grant  in  Indiana, 
and  died  there  some  time  prior  to  1800. 

51  Richard  Brashers  was  originally  one  of  Captain 
William  Howard's  company,  who  probably  came 
from  Pennsylvania. 

164 


appointed  Lieutenant  Richard  Brashers51  to  the 
command  of  the  garrison,  consisting  of  Lieu- 
tenants Bailey52  and  Chapline53  and  forty  picked 

52  John  Bailey  came  to  Kentucky  from  Virginia  in 
1776,  and  in  1778  joined  Clark's  expedition  against 
the  Illinois  towns.  In  August  Clark  sent  him  to  the  aid 
of  Captain  Helm  at  Vincennes.     Returning  to  Kas- 
kaskia,  Bailey  accompanied   Clark  on  his  winter 
march  against  Vincennes,  and  was  sent  in  advance 
with  a  detachment  of  fourteen  men  to  begin  the  at- 
tack on  the  British  post.     Upon  Clark's   leaving 
Vincennes  Bailey  was  left  behind  as  here  noted  in 
command  of  a  post  of  the  garrison.     In  1780  he 
served  in  Montgomery's  Rock  River  expedition,  and 
during  most  of  1781  he  was  serving  as  command- 
ant, under  great  difficulties,  at  Vincennes.     At  the 
close  of  the  Revolution  he  became  a  Baptist  preach- 
er, and  helped  lay  the  foundations  of  that  church  in 
Kentucky.     In  1792  and  again  in  1799  he  served  in 
Kentucky  constitutional  conventions,  and  voted  in 
favor  of  an  emancipation  clause.    He  died  in  Lincoln 
country  in  1816. 

53  Abraham  Chapline  was  a  native  of  Virginia,  who 
in  1774  at  an  early  age  came  to  Kentucky  in  Captain 
James  Harrod's  party.     In  the  autumn  of  this  year 
he  took  part  in  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  and  the 
next  year  returned  to  Kentucky.     He  joined  Clark's 
Illinois  expedition  and  by  the  leader  was  made  an 
ensign  and  later  a  lieutenant.     Detailed  to  escort 
Colonel  Rogers'  party  to  Fort  Pitt,  Chapline  was  cap- 
tured at  its  defeat  and  taken  by  the  Indians  to  the 
head  waters  of  the  Big  Miami  River.     Here  he  was 
forced  to  run  the  gauntlet  and  then  adopted  into  an 
Indian  family.     He  later  escaped,  seived  until  the 
end  of  the  war,  and  then  settled  in  Mercer  Country, 
Kentucky.     He  practiced  medicine  and  served  in  the 
Kentucky  legislature.     He  died  on  his  farm  near 
Harrodsburg  in  January,  1824. 

165 


Conquest  of 


men.  I  made  Captain  Helm  commandant  of 
the  town  and  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs 
and  having  given  the  necessary  instructions  to 
all  those  whom  I  left  in  office,  on  the  20th  of 
March,  with  seventy  men,  I  set  sail  on  board 
our  galley,  which  had  now  been  made  perfectly 
complete,  attended  by  five  armed  boats.  The 
water  being  very  high,  we  soon  reached  the 
Missouri,  and  with  favoring  winds  we  arrived 
in  a  few  days  at  Kaskaskia  to  the  great  joy  of 
our  new  friends,  Captain  George  and  company, 
who  were  waiting  to  receive  us. 

On  our  passage  up  the  Mississippi  we  ob- 
served several  Indian  camps  which  appeared 
to  us  to  be  recent  and  to  have  been  abandoned 
in  great  confusion.  We  had  been  unable  to 
account  for  this  but  we  were  now  informed 
that  a  few  days  since  a  party  of  Delaware 
warriors  had  gone  to  town  and  acted  very  im- 
pudently. In  the  evening,  having  indulged  in 
drink,  they  swore  they  had  come  for  scalps 
and  meant  to  have  them,  and  flashed  a  gun  at 
the  breast  of  an  American  woman  who  was 
present.  A  sergeant  and  party  passing  the 
house  at  the  moment  saw  the  confusion  and 
entered.  The  Indians  immediately  fled.  The 
sergeant  pursued  and  killed  of  them.  A 
party  was  instantly  sent  to  rout  them  from 
their  camps  on  the  river.  This  had  been  done 
the  day  before  we  came  up,  which  was  the 
occasion  of  the  sign  we  had  seen.  A  portion 
of  the  Delaware  nation  had  settled  a  town  at 
166 


the  forks  of  White  River  and  they  hunted  over 
the  region  adjacent  to  the  Ohio  and  the  Missis- 
sippi rivers.  On  our  first  arrival  in  the  country 
they  had  hatched  up  a  sort  of  peace  with  us. 
I  knew  all  along,  however,  that  they  desired 
open  war,  but  never  before  this  could  I  gain  a 
proper  excuse  for  exterminating  them  from 
the  country.  This  I  knew  they  would  be  loath 
to  leave,  and  also  that  the  other  Indians  wished 
them  driven  off  as  they  were  great  hunters  and 
killed  off  their  game. 

A  few  days  after  this  Captain  Helm  informed 
me  by  express  that  a  party  of  traders  going  by 
land  to  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  had  been  plundered 
and  killed  by  the  Delawares  of  White  River; 
and  that  their  designs  appeared  altogether  hos- 
tile as  they  had  received  a  belt  from  the  great 
council  of  their  tribe.  I  was  sorry  for  the  loss 
of  our  men  but  for  the  rest  pleased  over  what 
had  happened,  since  it  would  afford  me  an 
opportunity  of  showing  the  other  Indians  the 
horrible  fate  of  those  who  dared  to  make  war 
on  the  Big  Knives;  and  I  knew  that  to  excel 
them  in  barbarity  was  and  is  the  only  way  to 
make  war  upon  Indians  and  gain  a  name  among 
them.  I  immediately  sent  orders  to  Vincennes 
to  make  war  on  the  Delawares  and  to  use  every 
means  in  our  power  to  destroy  them,  showing 
no  mercy  to  the  men,  but  sparing  the  women 
and  children.  This  order  was  executed  with- 
out delay.  Their  camps  were  attacked  where- 
ever  they  could  be  found,  Many  were  slain, 
167 


Cfje  Conquest  of 


while  others  were  brought  to  Vincennes  and 
there  put  to  death  and  the  women  and  children 
taken  captive.  They  immediately  begged  for 
peace  but  were  told  that  I  had  ordered  the  war 
for  reasons  which  were  explained  to  them  and 
that  our  men  dare  not  lay  down  the  tomahawk 
without  my  permission;  but  if  the  Indians 
should  agree  upon  it,  no  more  blood  would  be 
spilled  until  an  express  could  be  sent  to  me  at 
Kaskaskia.  I  refused  to  make  peace  with  the 
Delawares,  telling  them  that  we  never  trusted 
those  who  had  once  violated  their  faith;  but  if 
they  were  disposed  to  be  quiet  and  if  they  could 
induce  any  of  the  neighboring  Indians  to  be  re- 
sponsible for  their  good  behavior  I  would  let 
them  alone,  although  I  cared  little  what  they 
might  do. 

A  council  was  called  by  Captain  Helm  (whom 
I  had  privately  instructed  how  to  manage  the 
matter)  of  all  the  Indians  in  the  neighborhood, 
at  which  my  answer  was  made  public.  The 
Piankashaw  undertook  to  answer  for  the  future 
good  conduct  of  the  Delawares,  and  the  son  of 
Tobacco  in  a  long  speech  told  them  how  base 
their  conduct  had  been,  and  how  richly  they 
had  deserved  the  severe  blow  which  had  fallen 
upon  them.  He  reminded  them  that  he  had 
given  them  permission  to  settle  in  this  country 
but  not  to  kill  his  friends.  They  now  saw  that 
the  Big  Knives  had  refused  to  make  peace  with 
them  and  that  he  had  become  surety  for  their 
good  conduct .  They  might  go  now  and  attend  to 
168 


their  hunting  but  if  they  should  ever  do  any 
more  mischief — he  concluded  with  a  significant 
gesture  to  the  sacred  bow54  he  held  in  his  left 
hand;  this  was  as  much  as  to  say  that  for  the 
future  he  himself  would  chastise  them.  Thus 
the  war  with  the  Delawares  in  this  country 
ended  greatly  to  our  advantage,  with  the  neigh- 
boring tribes  saying  we  were  as  brave  as  In- 
dians and  not  afraid  to  put  our  enemy  to  death. 
A  rendezvous  at  this  post  having  been  set 
for  the  month  of  June,  we  exerted  ourselves 
diligently  procuring  provisions  of  all  kinds  and 
making  other  preparations.  Meanwhile  I  re- 
ceived an  express  from  Colonel  Bowman  in 
Kentucky,  informing  me  that  he  could  furnish 
three  hundred  good  men.  We  were  now  go- 
ing on  in  high  spirits  and  daily  expecting  the 
troops  down  the  Ohio  when  on  the  we  were 
surprised  at  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Montgomery 
with  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  men.  He 
brought  the  information  that  we  could  expect 
no  men  from  that  quarter  in  the  near  future, 
if  indeed  at  all,  as  the  recruiting  business  pro- 
ceeded but  slowly,  and  I  now  learned  for  the 

54  In  the  original  manuscript  Clark  has  placed 
this  marginal  note;  "This  bow  is  decorated  with 
beautiful  feathers  (from)  an  Eagle's  tail  and  all  the 
gaudy  trinkets  that  can  be  put  about  it  and  at  one  end 
is  a  spear  about  six  inches  dipt  in  blood  which  he 
touched  when  he  shewed  (it)  to  the  Delawares  except 
the  Pipe  of  Peace  this  is  the  most  sacred  Instrument 
known  to  the  Inds.  and  only  handled  .by  those  of  the 
greatest  dignity."  —  G.  R.  C. 
169 


Conquest  of 


first  time  of  the  depreciation  of  our  paper  money. 
Our  affairs  at  once  assumed  a  different  aspect. 
We  now  regretted  that  we  had  not  marched 
from  Vincennes  upon  Detroit  at  once,  but  as 
we  still  had  the  prospect  of  receiving  consider- 
able reinforcements  from  Kentucky  we  flattered 
ourselves  that  something  might  yet  be  accom- 
plished; that  at  the  least  we  might  maneuver 
in  such  fashion  as  to  keep  the  enemy  in  hot 
water  and  to  prevent  his  doing  our  frontier 
much  damage. 

We  continued  the  work  of  procuring  supplies 
and  did  not  as  yet  lose  sight  of  our  object.  To 
feel  the  pulse  of  the  enemy  I  sent  a  company 
of  volunteers  under  Linctot,55  who  had  recently 
joined  us,  up  the  Illinois  River  under  the  pre- 
tense of  visiting  our  friends,  to  cross  the  country 
and  fall  upon  the  Wea  towns,  returning  thence 

55 Major  Godefroy  de  Linctot  was  one  of  two 
French  officers  of  the  same  name  who  at  the  close  of 
the  French  and  Indian  War  established  themselves 
as  traders  in  the  Northwest  with  headquarters  at 
Cahokia.  Whether  they  were  brothers  or  father  and 
son  is  not  entirely  clear.  One  of  them  died  during 
the  winter  of  1778.  The  other,  here  mentioned,  at- 
tached himself  to  the  American  cause  when  Clark 
came  into  Illinois,  and  as  Clark's  agent  had  much 
success  in  winning  the  various  Indian  tribes  away 
from  their  British  alliance.  The  appointment  to  the 
Illinois  River  expedition,  here  described,  followed. 
That  Detroit  was  not  taken  was  no  fault  of  Linctot, 
who  had  performed  successfully  the  preliminary 
movement  assigned  him.  He  continued  in  the  Ameri- 
can interest  until  after  his  death,  which  seems  to 
have  occured  in  1781. 

170 


to  Vincennes  to  report  upon  the  observations 
he  had  made.  This  maneuver,  I  anticipated, 
would  suffice  to  cover  our  own  designs  and  if 
we  should  think  it  prudent  upon  his  return,  we 
might  proceed  against  Detroit  early  in  June. 

Colonel  Montgomery  was  sent  on  by  water 
with  the  whole  of  our  stores.  Major  Bowman 
marched  the  remainder  of  our  troops  by  land, 
while  I,  with  a  party  of  horsemen,  reached 
Vincennes  in  four  days'  time,  and  the  whole 
force  arrived  safely  a  short  time  afterwards. 
But  instead  of  three  hundred  men  from  Ken- 
tucky there  now  appeared  about  thirty  volun- 
teers commanded  by  Captain  McGary.56  The 
loss  of  the  expedition  was  too  obvious  to  hesi- 
tate over.  Colonel  Bowman57  had  turned  his 
attention  against  the*  Shawnee  town  and  had 

66  Hugh  McGary  was  one  of  the  first  settlers  of 
Harrodsburg.  Aside  from  the  service  here  noted  he 
served  in  Clark's  expedition  into  Ohio  in  the  summer 
of  1780,  when  Old  Chillicothe  and  Piqua  were  de- 
stroyed. 

"Colonel  John  Bowman,  whose  career  has  been 
previously  noted,  in  the  spring  of  1779,  led  296  men 
in  an  attack  upon  the  Shawnee  town  of  Chillicothe. 
The  Indians  fortified  themselves  in  some  log  cabins 
and  fought  so  vigorously  that  Bowman's  force  was 
repulsed.  They  burned  most  of  the  town  and  retired 
with  much  plunder,  but  for  want  of  their  cooperation 
Clark  was  forced  to  forego  attacking  Detroit,  accord- 
ing to  Captain  Patten,  who  was  with  Bowman.  The 
Americans  captured  a  negro  woman  who  informed 
them  that  the  Indians  had  sent  a  runner  to  Simon 
Girty,  the  notorious  Tory,  who  was  at  the  Pickaway 

171 


Conquest  of 


been  repulsed  and  his  men  had  become  dis- 
couraged. 

From  the  first  the  affair  I  had  in  hand  had 
been  so  conducted  as  to  produce  no  disadvan- 
tageous impression  upon  the  enemy  in  case  of 
a  disappointment,  since  they  could  never  know 
whether  we  ever  really  entertained  a  design  upon 
Detroit  or  were  only  making  a  feint  to  amuse 
them.  To  arrange  matters  to  the  best  possible 
advantage  was  now  my  principal  study.  Part 
of  the  troops  were  sent  to  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio 
and  the  remainder  divided  among  the  posts  of 
Vincennes,  Cahokia,  and  Kaskaskia.  I  ap- 
pointed Colonel  Montgomery  to  the  command 
of  the  Illinois.  I  authorized  Major  Bowman 
to  superintend  the  recruiting  business  and 
appointed  a  number  of  officers  to  this  service. 
Major  Linctot  and  Captain  Helm  were  given 
the  superintendence  of  Indian  Affairs,  while  I 
myself  took  station  at  the  Falls  as  the  most 
convenient  spot  from  which  to  supervise  the 
whole  field.  Having  departed  for  their  several 
posts  in  August  I  set  off  by  land,  proceeding 
in  a  few  days  as  far  as  White  River.58 

town  with  one  hundred  Mingos.  On  hearing  this 
Colonel  Bowman  ordered  his  force  to  begin  the  re- 
treat. Captain  Patten  records  that  he  was  "a  good 
citizen  but  not  aquainted  with  Indian  warfare."  The 
summer  following  Bowman's  repulse  Clark  burned 
both  Chillicothe  and  Piqua. 

MThe  manuscript  is  imperfect  at  this  point.     In 
Clark's  letter  to  George  Mason,  November  19, 1779, 
172 


Our  movement  during  the  summer  had  con- 
fused the  enemy.  The  officer  in  command  at 
Michilimackinac  had  therefore  sent  an  expe- 
dition into  the  Illinois  country  by  way  of  St. 
Joseph  to  drive  out  the  American  traders. 
Arriving  at  St.  Joseph  while  Major  Linctot  was 
on  his  way  up  the  Illinois  River,  it  was  reported 
that  an  American  army  was  approaching  and 
the  Indians  immediately  deserted  the  English. 
On  being  asked  the  reason  for  this  action  they 
replied  that  they  had  been  invited  to  see  the 
English  and  the  Big  Knives  fight  and  since  the 
fight  was  now  in  prospect  they  had  withdrawn 
to  a  height  in  order  to  enjoy  a  full  view  of  it. 
The  English,  realizing  that  no  dependence  could 
be  placed  on  the  Indians,  withdrew  to  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph  River  and  there  es- 
tablished a  strong  camp.  On  first  receiving 
the  intelligence  of  Linctot's  advance  they  had 
sent  off  an  express  to  Mackinac.  A  sloop  dis- 
patched from  that  place  with  provisions  for 
the  troops  came  within  full  view  of  their  camp 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river;  but  supposing  it  to 
be  the  Americans  who  had  captured  their  friends 
at  St.  Joseph  and  taken  post  there,  the  vessel 
ignored  all  the  signs  they  made  and  returned 
to  Mackinac  with  the  disagreeable  news,  leav- 
ing the  poor  fellows  to  starve  until  they  could 
get  an  answer  to  a  second  express.  In  the 

he  states,  concerning  this  period:  "After  giving 
proper  Instructions  for  the  discretion  of  the  Conds. 
of  the  different  posts  I  set  out  for  the  falls  where  I 
arrived  safe  on  the  20  day  of  August." 

173 


Conquest  of 


meantime  Mr.  Linctot,  knowing  nothing  of 
all  this,  had  changed  his  route  to  the  Wea  town, 
which  caused  the  English  to  conjecture  that 
our  whole  force  was  being  directed  against 
Detroit,  producing  great  confusion  among  them . 
The  summer  was  spent  profitably,  as  we  were 
careful  to  spread  abroad  such  reports  as  suited 
our  interests.  I  remained  at  Louisville  until 
the  following  spring,  discharging  the  multiplicity 
of  business  that  was  continually  brought  to  me 
from  every  quarter.  I  represented  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia  that  as  the  new  settlers  now 
peopling  Kentucky  were  quite  numerous,  I 
hoped  they  were  fully  able  to  withstand  any 
force  the  enemy  could  send  against  her  and 
perhaps  to  act  on  the  offensive.  We  now  be- 
gan to  feel  the  effects  of  the  depreciated  state 
of  the  paper  currency.  Everything  was  two 
or  three  times  the  normal  price,  and  scarcely 
to  be  had  upon  any  terms.  We  engaged  this 
fall  upon  the  plan  of  -laying  up  great  quantities 
of  jerked  meat  for  the  following  season;  but 
as  the  English  at  Detroit  had  pretty  well  re- 
covered themselves  the  Shawnee,  Delaware, 
and  other  Indian  tribes  were  so  troublesome 
that  our  hunters  met  with  no  success.  Many 
of  them  were  cut  off  and  small  skirmishes  be- 
came so  common  throughout  the  region  as  to  ex- 
cite but  slight  attention.  Captain  Rogers,  who 
had  been  sent  to  the  Mississippi  for  a  consid- 
erable quantity  of  goods  and  had  obtained  a 
reinforcement  at  the  Falls,  was  totally  defeated 
i74 


a  little  above  Licking  Creek  on  his  return  to 
Pittsburgh,  and  almost  all  of  his  party  of  sev- 
enty men  were  killed  or  made  prisoners.  Among 
the  latter  the  more  important  were  Colonel 
John  Campbell  and  Captain  Abraham  Chapline. 
Of  all  the  expedition,  but  one  small  boat  made 
its  escape. 


Index 


ABBOTT,  Edward,  British  officer,  37,  60,  62;  letters,  61. 

Alvord,  C.  W.,  cited,  60. 

Arbuckle,    Capt.    Matthew,    commandant    at    Fort 

Randolph,  28-29;  sketch,  28. 
American  Bottom,  settlements  in,  xii. 
Arkansas  Post,  expedition  to,  29,  64. 
BAILEY,  Lieut.  John,  on  Vincennes  expedition,  133; 

detailed  for  duty,  165;  sketch,  165. 
Baptiste  (Batisst),  Kaskaskia  chief,  101. 
Baptists,  in  Kentucky,  23,  165. 
Barataria  Island,  Clark  lands  on,  37. 

Barbour,  Capt. ,  at  Prairie  du  Rocher,  103. 

Big  Gate,  Indian  chief,  91-97. 

Big  Knives,  Indian  name  for  Virginians,  52,  62,  67-68, 

71-72,  74,  76,  82,  86,  91-93,    95-96,    98-101,     129, 

161-62,  167-68,  173. 

Bird,  Col.  Henry,  British  raider,  xvii,  16. 
Blackbird,  Chippewa  chief,  86-90. 
Blue  Licks  (Ky.),  salt  works  at,  15;  battle  at,  15-16. 
Boone,  Daniel,  warns  Kentucky  settlers,  3;  advance 

agent  for  Henderson,  7;  captured  by  Indians,  15. 
Boonesborough  (Ky.),  founded,  4-5,  18;  early  visitors, 

25- 

Bosseron,  Major  Francois,  aids  Clark,  136;  expedition 
up  Wabash,  155,  158-59;  sketch,  155. 

Botetourt  County  (Va.),  Clark  visits, H. 

Bowman,  Col.  John,  defends  Kentucky,  19-20,  31; 
joins  Clark,  32;  promises  aid,  169;  disappoints 
Clark,  171;  sketch,  19. 

Bowman,  Maj.  Joseph,  recruits  for  Clark,  26,  28,  172; 
accompanies  Clark,  35;  captures  Cahokia,  50-53, 
86;  holds  election,  55;  commandant,  63,  102,  104, 
in;  comes  to  aid  of  Clark,  108,  no;  on  Vincennes 
expedition,  126,  139,  145,  147,  171;  journal,  143-44- 
179 


Brady,  Thomas,  Indian  trader,  79. 

Brashers,  Lieut.  Richard,  commandant  at  Vincennes, 

164. 
British,  northwest  posts,  xi;  incite  Indians  against 

frontiers,  xix,  12,  16,  19,  22,  32,  74,  88-89,  9*>  93> 

162;  unpopular  with  Indians,  36,  68-69,  76,  101, 

163-64;  emissaries  among  Indians,  53,  70,  98-99; 

America's  quarrel  with,  explained,  72-74,  88-89; 

recapture  Vincennes,  108,  111-13,  I2I>  surrender 

Vincennes,  150-51;  prisoners,  no,  114,  135,  140, 

145,  159- 
Brodhead,  Col.  Daniel,  commandant  at  Pittsburgh, 

xviii. 

Brownsville  (Pa.),  built,  26. 
Buffalo,  carcass  of,  128. 
Burgoyne,  Gen.  John,  captured,  24. 
Butler,  Mann,  History  of  Kentucky,  xx. 
CAHOKIA,  British  post,  xi;  population,  xii;  Indians  at, 

43,  68;  priest,  43;  traders,  170;  captured,  50-53,  86; 

court  established  at,  55,  79;  garrison,  63,  104,  in, 

172;  treaties  made  at,  69-86;  tradeat,  96;inhabitant 

punished,  102;  Clark  visits,  103,  109;  volunteers 

from,  no,  116. 

Cahokia  River,  forded,  79-81. 
Campbell,  Col.  Arthur,  in  Virginia  legislature,  14. 
Campbell,  Col.  John,  sends  word  of  treaty  with  France, 

36;  captured,  175. 

Campbell,  Gen.  William,  at  King's  Mountain,  14. 
Canada,  reinforcements  from,  157. 
Capitulation,  articles  of,  145-48. 
Catlin,  George,  on  Indian  origins,  98. 
Cerre,  Jean  Gabriel,  Illinois  merchant,  43,  49;  Clark 

wins  over,  55-59;  sketch,  43. 

Chapline,  Abraham,  Clark's  officer,  165;  captured,  175. 
Cherokee  Indians,  sell  land,  4-5,  7,  13,  25;  become 

hostile,  n,  14. 

Chickasaw  Indians,  Clark's  negotiations  with,  101. 
Chillicothe,  Shawnee  village,  171;  burned,  xviii,  172. 
Chippewa  (Sauteur )  Indians,  Clark's  negotiations  with, 

86-90,  100,  161-64;  in  British  interest,  xiii,  99-101. 
1 80 


Chouteau,  Auguste,  founder  of  St.  Louis,  43. 

Churchill,  Winston,  The  Crossing,  xx. 

Cincinnati  (Ohio),  Indian  attack  near,  36;  expedition 
from,  xviii. 

Clark,  George  Rogers,  visits  Kentucky,  xv,  4;  ap- 
pointed delegate,  6-7,  14;  journey  on  Wilderness 
road,  7-11;  secures  powder,  11-13;  defends  Harrods- 
burg,  18,  20;  plans  for  offensive,  xvi,  20-25,  32;  voy- 
age down  Ohio,  28-30,  34-37;  marches  on  Kaskaskia, 
37-39;  captures  Kaskaskia,  40-45;  wins  French- 
Canadians,  45-53,  55-59;  treaties  with  Indians, 
66-78,  80-101,  161-64;  attempts  to  capture,  79-81, 
85,  103-104,  108-109;  marches  for  Vincennes,  113- 
27;  attacks  Vincennes,  129-43;  address  to  inhabi- 
tants, 130;  arranges  terms  with  Hamilton,  143-48; 
promised  reinforcements,  156,  169;  officers'  council, 
156-58;  returns  to  Illinois,  166;  plans  Detroit 
expedition,  170-74;  returns  to  Louisville,  172,  174; 
expedition  of  1780,  xviii,  172;  writes  Memoir, 
xix-xxi;  sketch,  xv-xvi,  xx. 

Clarksville  (Tenn.),  founded,  66. 

Clinch  River  (Va.),  settlement  on,  10. 

Corn  Island,  near  Louisville,  31-33;  post  removed  from, 
64. 

Cumberland  Gap,  road  through,  7. 

Cumberland  River,  mouth,  66. 

Cuyahoga,  post  at,  152. 

DELAWARE  Indians,  hostile,  166-68,  174;  peace  with, 
168-69. 

Denny, ,  Cahokia  deserter,  102. 

Denoe, ,  Clark's  messenger,  87. 

Detroit,  a  British  post,  xi-xii,  37,  53,  60,  95,  in,  135, 
145,  174;  commandant,  xiv,  57;  besieged  by  Pon- 
tiac,  91;  open  to  attack,  xvii,  151-52,  156-58,  162, 
174;  expeditions  against,  xiv-xv,  xviii,  97,  102,  120, 
152-55,  164,  170-72;  expedition  from,  102,  112,  140, 
147. 

Dillard,  Capt.  Thomas,  joins  Clark,  31;  deserters  in 
company,  33-34. 

Draper  Collection  of  Manuscripts,  5. 
181 


Drummer,  at  Little  Wabash  crossing,  119. 

Duff,  John,  acts  as  guide,  37-39. 

Dunmore's  War,  preliminaries,  3,   26;  participants, 

16,  25,  165. 
Durrett,  Reuben  T.,  Traditions  of  the  Earliest  Visits 

of  Foreigners  to  North  America,  cited,  98. 
ECLIPSE  of  sun,  34. 

Elkhorn  River  (Ky.),  settlement  on,  17. 
Embarrass  River,  crossed,  120. 
English,  W.  H.,  Conquest  of  the  Country  Northwest  of 

the  River  Ohio,  xxi. 
Erie  Lake,  Indians  near,  14,  152. 
FALLS  of  Ohio.    See  Ohio  Falls. 
Fauquier  County  (Va.),  recruiting  in,  25. 
Forbes,  Gen.  John,  captures  Fort  Duquesne,  64. 
Fort  Duquesne,  captured,  26,  64;  officer  at,  38.     See 

also  Fort  Pitt. 

Fort  Massac,  Clark  at,  37,  39. 
Fort  Pitt,  a  border  post,  xiv,  15, 165;  commandant,  26; 

expedition  from,  64,  102.     See  also  Pittsburgh. 
Fort  Randolph,  attacked,  28. 
Fort  Sackville,  described,  37,  137;  repaired,  122,  129, 

134;    garrison,     131,     133-34;    besieged,    136-39, 

141-43;  surrendered,  143-48, 150-51.     See  also  Vin- 

cennes. 
France,  aids  United  States,  36,  48,  62,  74,  89;  Indian 

methods,  70. 

Frederick  County  (Va.),  recruiting  in,  26. 
French  and  Indian  War,  in  Ohio  Valley,  xiii. 
French-Canadians,  in   Illinois,    xii,    xvi,    23;    British 

subjects,  73,  135;  influence  with  Indians,  35-36, 

62,  69,  81;  trade  with  Indians,  99;  Clark  wins  over, 

43'53>  78-79,  85;  enrolled  in  militia,  63,  no,  116-17, 

133;  near  Vincennes,  xii,  122,  124. 
Fur  trade,  at  Pittsburgh,  29;  British  in  Northwest,  xi, 

43,  52;  influenced  by  Clark,  79, 99;  at  St.  Louis,  in. 
GALLEY.     See  Mississippi  boat. 
George,  Lieut.   Robert,  joins  Clark,   30,    164,   166; 

sketch,  164. 

George  Rogers  Clark  Papers,  published,  xx-xxi. 
182 


Georgetown  (Ky.),  site,  17. 

Gibault,  Pierre,  Kaskaskia  priest,  45-47;  aids  Clark, 
59-62,  67;  sketch,  45. 

Gibson,  Capt.  George,  New  Orleans  expedition,  64. 

Girty,  Simon,  aids  Indians,  171. 

Grand  Door,  Indian  chief.     See  Tobacco. 

Great  Kanawha  River,  battle  at  mouth,  4;  fort,  28. 

Great  Lakes,  British  posts  on,  36,  73;  as  a  boundary, 
xi,  78. 

Green  Bay,  settlement  at,  xii. 

Green  River  (Ky.),  grant  of  land  on,  5;  settlement,  25. 

Greenbrier  (Va.),  settlements  attacked,  29. 

HAMILTON,  Lieut.-Gov.  Henry,  commandant  at  Detroit, 
xiv*  57>  J53i  at  Vincennes,  37,  101,  108,  111-12, 
135,  160-61;  flag  of  truce,  143-44;  council  with 
Clark,  144-48;  surrenders,  xvi,  150;  prisoner,  no, 
135,  140,  145;  exchanged,  30;  official  report,  140; 
sketch,  57. 

Hand,  Gen.  Edward,  commandant  at  Fort  Pitt,  26-27, 
29;  sketch,  26. 

Harrod,  Col.  James,  Kentucky  pioneer,  3,  26,  165; 
sketch,  3. 

Harrod,  Capt.  William,  officer  with  Clark,  26,  35; 
sketch,  26. 

Harrodsburg  (Ky.),  settled,  3, 18,  26;  convention  at,  6; 
Clark  visits,i5, 22-23;  fugitives  remove  10,17;  Indians 
attack,  18-20;  officers  from,  34;  pioneer  near,  165. 

Hay,  Jehu,  British  officer,  145,  147. 

Helm,  Capt.  Leonard,  lieutenant,  114;  recruits  for 
Clark,  25-26,  28;  hampered,  27;  accompanies 
Clark,  35;  commandant  at  Vincennes,  66-69; 
sends  news,  98,  167;  Wabash  expedition,  99-100; 
captured  by  Hamilton,  135,  144-46,  160;  expedition 
up  the  Wabash,  155,  158-59;  superintendent  of 
Indian  affairs,  165-66, 168, 172;  sketch,  25. 

Henderson,  Col.  Richard,  land  purchase  in  Kentucky, 
4,  7,  13,  25;  sketch,  4-5. 

Henry,  Moses,  at  Vincennes  135. 

Henry,  Patrick,  governor  of  Virginia,  n;  aids  Clark, 
xvi,  24-25;  message  for,  65-66, 90, 159, 174. 

183 


Hinkston,  Maj.  John,  Kentucky  pioneer,  16. 

Holston  River  (Va.)  on  the  frontier,  n,  14;  recruits 
from,  25,  28. 

Howard,  Capt.  William,  Clark's  officer,  164. 

Hulbert,  Archer,  Boom's  Wilderness  Road,  7. 

ILLINOIS,  Indians  in,  xiii;  British,  xii,  22-23,  35!  Clark 
plans  to  capture,  xi,  xv-xvi,  30,  35;  crossed,  37-40; 
captured,  40-53;  American  government  established 
in,54,62-63 ;  commandant,66, 172  ;attempts  to  retake, 
112,  173;  volunteers  from,  132;  express  from,  164. 

Illinois  County,  lieutenant  of,  16. 

Illinois  Historical  Collections,  cited,  60;  edited,  xx 

Illinois  River,  Indians  on,  86,  96-97;  Linctot's  expedi- 
tion on,  170,  173. 

Indian  agents,  British,  145;  American,  xv,  165-66, 
168, 170,  172. 

Indian  medals,  among  British  booty,  153. 

Indiana,  Indians  of,  xiii. 

Indians,  possible  origin,  98;  number  in  Northwest, 
xiii;  incited  by  British,  xiv,  12,  19,  22,  32,  48,  53, 
56-57,  88,  91,  93,  139-41,  147,  174;  attack  frontiers, 
6-8,  n,  15,  17-18,  148;  captives  among,  14,  165; 
raid  boats,  36,  165;  desert  British,  173;  influenced 
by  French,  35-36,  62,  69;  Clark's  negotiations  with, 
xvii,  66-78,  80-101,  129,  151-52,  160-64;  ceremonies, 
83-86, 169;  captured,  127;  put  to  death,  148-49. 

Iowa  Indians,  make  peace  with  Clark,  97. 

JAMES,  James  A.,  editor,  xx. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  governor  of  Virginia,  xviii. 

Jones,  John  Gabriel,  delegate  from  Kentucky,  6-7,  14; 
hardships  on  journey,  7-11;  takes  out  powder,  14- 
16;  killed,  17. 

KANAWHA  Valley,  explored,  28. 

Kaskaskia  (111.),  British  post,  xi;  spies  visit,  23,  64; 
conditions  at,  37-38;  captured  by  Clark,  40-45,  114; 
occupied  by  Americans,  45-53, 164;  court  establish- 
ed at,  55,  79;  garrison,  63;  commandant,  115,  172; 
Indians  visit,  87-90;  Clarkat,  103, 166, 168;  rumored 
attack  on,  103-105,  109;  fired,  106-107;  volunteers 
from,  in,  115-16. 

184 


Kaskaskia  Indians,  aid  Clark,  101. 

Kaskaskia  River,  crossed,  40-41,  116;  wood  cutting 
on,  103. 

Kennedy,  Patrick,  scouting,  120. 

Kentucky,  boundary,  25;  early  settlement,  xv,  3,  32, 
174;  Transylvania  Company  in,  4-5;  Indian  wars 
in,  xvii,  18-21, 112-13;  powder  for  defense  of,  11-16, 
20-25;  troops  for  defense  of,  xvi,  27-28,  32,  34;  forts 
in,  30-31,  97;  aid  from,  xviii,  106-107,  in,  131, 152, 
159-60,  169-71,  174;  British  prisoners  in,  159;  con- 
stitutional conventions,  165. 

Kentucky  County,  erected,  xvi. 

Kentucky  River,  voyage  on,  3;  landing  at  mouth,  29. 

King's  Mountain,  battle,  14. 

Kite,  a  Chippewa  chief,  99. 

LAFFONT,  Jean  Baptiste,  aids  in  capture  of  Vincennes, 
60-62;  sketch,  60. 

Lajes.    See  Big  Gate. 

La  Mothe,  Capt.  Guillaume,  British  officer,  135,  153; 
leads  Indians,  139;  enters  fort,  140-41;  sketch,  135. 

Le  Gras,  Col.  J.  M.  P.,  aids  Clark,  136;  expedition  up 
the  Wabash,  155, 158-59;  sketch,  155. 

Lewis,  Col.  Andrew,  in  Dunmore's  War,  4. 

Leyba,  Fernando  de,  governor  at  St.  Louis,  in. 

Licking  River  (Ky.),  settlement  on,  16;  defeat  near, 
174;  mouth  as  rendezvous,  xviii. 

Limestone  (Ky.),  powder  landed  at,  15. 

Linctot,  Maj.  Daniel  Maurice  Godefroy  de,  Indian 
agent,  170,  172;  expedition,  173. 

Linn,  Lieut.  Benjamin,  Clark's  spy,  22-23,  64. 

Linn,  Col.  William,  Kentucky  pioneer,  22;  returns 
from  Illinois,  63-64;  sketch,  63-64. 

Little  Wabash  River,  crossed,  117-19. 

Logan,  Col.  Benjamin,  station,  18. 

Louisiana.    See  Spanish  and  Upper  Louisiana. 

Louisville  (Ky.),  founded,  30-32;  settlers  near,  64. 
See  also  Ohio  Falls. 

McCARTY,  Capt.  Richard,  trader,  94;  in  Vincennes 
expedition,  121;  sketch,  94. 

McClelland 's  Station,  attacked,  17. 

185 


McClelland,  John,  killed,  17. 

McComb,  Mrs. — ,  Detroit  resident,  155. 

McGary,  Capt.  Hugh,  joins  Clark,  171. 

Mackinac,  British  post,  xi;  settlement  at,  xii;  fur  trade 
rendezvous,  43,  96;  plot  against  Clark  formed  at, 
82;  interpreter  at,  135;  British  commandant,  173. 

Madison,  James,  requests  Clark's  story,  xix. 

Madoc,  Welsh  prince,  98. 

Maisonville,  Franfois,  Indian  partisan,  captured,  139-40. 

Mamel,  elevation  near  Vincennes,  123. 

Mandan  Indians,  origin,  98. 

Martin,  Joseph,  Powell's  Valley  fort,  8-n. 

Martin's  Station  (Ky.),  captured,  xvii. 

Maryland,  immigrants  from,  22. 

Mascouten  Indians,  make  peace  with  Clark,  79-86. 

Mason,  George,  letter  for,  xix. 

Maysville  (Ky.).     See  Limestone. 

Meadow  Indians.     See  Mascouten. 

Mercer  County  (Ky.),  resident,  165. 

Miami  Indians,  negotiations  with,  161-64;  villages,  xiii. 

Miami  River,  expedition  to,  19;  Indians  on,  162,  165. 

Miami  town,  British  post,  102. 

Michigan  Lake,  Indians  on,  xiii;  Clark's  influence 
reaches,  69,  86,  97. 

Michilimackinac.     See  Mackinac. 

Milwaukee,  Indians  at,  xiii. 

Mingo  Indians,  hostile,  172. 

Mississippi  boat,  as  a  war  galley,  114-15,  120-22,  129, 
136;  fails  to  reach  Vincennes,  139;  arrives  at  Vin- 
cennes, 156;  returns  to  Illinois,  166. 

Mississippi  River,  Spanish  border,  24,  38,  58,  104; 
expeditions  on,  xvii,  29-30,  164,  166,  174;  Indians 
on,  78,  166-67. 

Missouri  River,  Indians  from,  97-98;  Mandan  on,  98. 

Mobile,  a  British  post,  30. 

Monongahela  River,  emigration  from,  32. 

Montgomery,    Capt.   John,   accompanies   Clark,    35; 
sent  to  Virginia,  64-66;  returns,  169,  171;  Rock 
River  expedition,  xviii,  115,  165;  commandant  in 
Illinois,  172;  sketch,  65-66. 
186 


Moore,  Lieut.  Samuel,  Clark's  spy,  22-23. 

Morgan,  Col.  George,  Indian  agent,  xv. 

Murray,  Daniel,  aids  Clark,  44. 

Myers,  William,    government    express,    156;    killed, 

159- 

NAKEWOIN,  Chippewa  chief,  86-90. 
New  Madrid  (Mo.),  settler,  45. 
New  Orleans,  supplies  obtained  at,  64. 
Niagara,  British  post,  157. 
Ninth  Virginia  Regiment,  officer,  29. 
North  Carolina,  emigrants  from,  4. 
Northwest  Territory,  assigned  to  United  States,  xi. 
O  'HARA,  James,  accompanies  Clark,  29. 
Ohio,  Indian  towns  in,  xiii,  17. 
Ohio  Company,  fortification,  26. 
Ohio  Falls,  as  a  rendezvous,  26;  Clark  occupies,  30-31, 

54,  59,  64;  land  owners  at,  36;  post  removed,  64; 

headquarters,   66,   97,    102,   159,   167,    172,    174; 

Indian  attack  on,  148.     See  also  Louisville. 
Ohio  River,  as  a  boundary,  xi;  affluents,  4;  Indian 

parties  on,  112,  167;  voyages  on,  3,  15,  28-30,  34- 

37,  169. 

Old  Northwest.     See  Northwest  Territory. 
Ottawa  Indians,  Clark's  negotiations  with,  86-90. 
Ouiatanon  (Wea)  post  on  the  Wabash,  xii,  68;  British 

emissaries  at,  98,  100;  expedition  to,  99,  164,  170, 

173- 

PADUCAH  (Ky.),  site,  37. 

Paris  (Ky.),  station  near,  16. 

Patten,  Capt.  James,  on  Bowman's  expedition,  171- 

72. 

Peoria,  settlement  at,  xii. 
Pennsylvania,  emigrants  from,  3,  16,  26;  frontiers,  113; 

boundary  controversy,  27;  recruiting  in,  xviii,  164. 
Pensacola,  British  post,  145. 
Philadelphia,  Congress  at,  73. 
Piankeshaw    Indians,    treaty    with,    66-69,    160-64; 

village,  161;  pledge  for  Dela wares,  168. 
Pickaway,  Indian  village,  171-72. 
Piqua,  Indian  town,  17;  burned,  xviii,  172. 

187 


Pittsburgh,  founder,  36;  fur  trade  at,  29;  supplies, 
13-14,  25,  27-28,  152;  expeditions  from,  xviii,  97, 
153;  return  to,  174.  See  also  Fort  Pitt. 

Pluggy,  Captain,  Shawnee  Indian  killed,  17. 

Point  Pleasant  (Va.),  battle  at,  4,  165. 

Pontiac 's  War,  garrison  in,  26;  at  Detroit,  91, 145. 

Potawatomi  Indians,  numbers,  xiii;  visit  Clark,  91, 
161-64. 

Powder,  Clark  brings  to  Kentucky,  11-13;  Linn  brings 
from  New  Orleans,  64. 

Powell's  Valley,  station  in  abandoned,  7;  Clark  camps 
in,  8-1 i. 

Prairie  du  Chien,  settlement  at,  xii. 

Prairie  du  Rocher,  Illinois  town,  103-104. 

QUEBEC,  fur  trade  at,  43;  during  the  Revolution,  145. 

REDSTONE,  Old  Fort,  location,  26;  rendezvous  at,  28. 

Renard  Indians.     See  Sauk  and  Fox. 

Richmond  (Va.),  capital  of  state,  44;  Rogers  at,  115. 

Rocheblave,  Philippe  Francois  Rastel  sieur  de,  com- 
mandant at  Kaskaskia,  38;  captured,  42;  letters  to, 
57,  61;  sent  to  Virginia,  64-65;  sketch,  38. 

Rocheblave,  Madame  de,  sale  of  slaves,  64-65. 

Rock  River,  expedition  to,  xviii,  115,  165. 

Rogers,  Col.  David,  captured,  36,  165,  174-75- 

Rogers,  Capt.  John,  commands  war  galley,  114-15, 
120;  conducts  prisoners,  159;  sketch,  114-15. 

Rogers,  Joseph,  captured,  17. 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  Winning  of  the  West,  xx. 

Ruddle's  Station  (Ky.),  captured,  xvii. 

SAGUTNA.    See  Blackbird. 

Ste.  Genevieve  (Mo.),  officer  at,  38,  55;  residents, 
60;  place  of  retreat,  104. 

St.  Joseph,  British  post,  135,  173;  settlement  at, 
xii. 

St.  Joseph  River,  Indians  on,  xiii,  69,  86-87;  British 
camp,  173. 

St.  Louis,  founder,  43;  French-Canadians  at,  52,  55; 
Indians,  86;  fur  traders,  in;  attacked,  xvii-xviii. 

Sardinia,  merchant  from,  111. 

Saunders,  John,  Clark's  guide,  39-40. 
1 88 


Sauk  and  Fox  Indians,  make  peace  with  Clark,  97; 
habitat,  xiii. 

Sauteur  Indians.     See  Chippewa. 

Shannon,  Capt.  William,  on  Vincennes  expedition,  134. 

Shawnee  Indians,  war  with,  4,  16-17,  i74>  expedition 
against,  xviii,  171;  villages,  xiii. 

Shelby,  Capt.  James,  at  Ouiatanon,  164. 

Sixtieth  American  Regiment,  officer,  145. 

Slavery,  in  Illinois,  xii,  65. 

Smith,  Maj.  William  B.,  recruits  for  Clark,  25,  28, 
31-32;  sketch,  25. 

Spanish,  in  Louisiana,  xvii,  24,  35,  38,  43,  45,  56; 
governor,  55;  at  New  Orleans,  64;  Indian  methods, 
70,  86;  relations  with  Americans,  79,  85,  104; 
merchants,  in. 

Squaws,  Clark  treats  chiefs  as,  81-83. 

Stoner,  Michael,  warns  Kentucky  settlers,  3. 

Sugar  Camp,  near  Vincennes,  123-24,  134. 

Superior  Lake,  Indians  on,  53. 

TENNESSEE,  boundary,  25;  settled,  xiii. 

Tennessee  River,  mouth,  37. 

Thompson,  Maurice,  Alice  of  Old  Vincennes,  xx. 

Todd,  Col.  John,  Kentucky  pioneer,  16;  defeat  of,  17; 
county  lieutenant  in  Illinois,  44;  sketch,  16. 

Tobacco,  Piankeshaw  chief,  66-68;  son,  68,  129,  136, 
160-61,  168. 

Transylvania  Company,  operations  in  Kentucky,  4-5, 
16. 

Treaties  with  Indians.     See  Indians. 

Treaty,  France  with  United  States,  36,  48,  77. 

Treaty  of  Paris  (1783),  xi. 

UPPER  Louisiana,  Spanish  in,  in. 

VIGO,  Franfois,  aids  Clark,  111-12,  122. 

Vincennes,  a  British  post,  xi-xii,  23,  35,  37,  53,  57; 
Americans  secure,  59-63;  court  established  at,  55, 
155;  American  commandant,  66-67,  IO2>  I5S>  164; 
garrison,  165-66,  172;  Indian  treaties  at,  67-69,  78, 
161-64;  British  recapture,  108-110;  expeditions 
from,  98-100,  106,  108,  158,  167-68;  Clark  marches 
against,  113-28;  address  to  inhabitants  of,  130; 
189 


surrender  to  Clark,  xvii,  130-48;  favorable  to  Clark, 

152-53.     See  also  Fort  Sackville. 
Virginia,  frontiers,  xviii,  113;  legislature,  5,  n,  13; 

plans  for  Kentucky,  xv-xvi,  5-7,  11-12,  19,  174;  for 

Illinois,   101;  boundary  controversy,   27;  British 

prisoners  in,  38,  57,  64,  no,  114,  135,  140,  145,  159. 
WABASH  River,  British  on,  xii,  22, 155,  158-59;  Indians, 

66-69,  78,  97,  162-63;  Helm's  expedition,  99,  155, 

158-59;  flooded,  114,  119-20;  Clark  crosses,  121-23; 

expedition  of  1786  on,  135. 
Warriors  Island,  near  Vincennes,  128,  133.  ^ 
Washington,    Gen.    George,    commander-in-chief,    4, 

27;  plans  for  West,  xviii. 
Watauga  River,  Indian  treaty  at,  5,  25. 
Wayne,  Gen.  Anthony,  officer  with,  29;  rebuilds  Fort 

Massac,  37;  defeats  Indians,  xix. 
Wea.    See  Ouiatanon. 
Welsh  origin  of  Indian  tribes,  98. 
Wheeling,  stores  at,  28;  powder  landed  at,  64. 
White,  Charles,  killed,  17. 
White  River,  affluent  of  Wabash,  114, 172;  Indians  on, 

166-67. 

Wilderness  Road,  history,  7;  Clark's  journey  on,  7-11. 
Williams,  Capt.  John,  commands  at  Kaskaskia,  63; 

on    Vincennes    expedition,    123,    149;    conducts 

prisoners,  159. 
Williamsburg  (Va.),  Virginia  assembly  at,  6,  13-14; 

Clark  visits,  n,  24;  British  prisoners  at,  ii4-i5>  IS9- 
Willing,  Capt.  James,  expedition,  29-30,  164. 
Winnebago  Indians,  habitat,  xiii. 
Winston,  Richard,  aids  Clark,  44. 
Wisconsin,  Indians  in,  xiii. 
Worthington,  Capt.  Edward,  on  Vincennes  expedition, 

122. 


190 


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